After years of accolades for its success, Ethiopia’s economic growth is slowing down recording just about 8% in the 2015/2016 fiscal year.

(Africanews)―For the first time in decades, Ethiopia’s economy has recorded its slowest growth.

According to the BBC, Ethiopia’s economic growth slowed to 8% in the 2015/2016 fiscal year.

Ethiopia’s planning commission says that the country may fail to reach this years projected growth of 11% due to a devastating drought that has affected harvest in most parts of the country.

Earlier this year, The International Monetary Fund (IMF) had warned that Ethiopia’s economy would shrink to 4.5%, but the government dismissed the figures saying that growth would reach 8% .

Analysts predicted that recent protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions which saw dozens of foreign owned firms attacked by protesters could further dampen growth in the country.

Ethiopia has been one of the world’s fastest growing economies with growth averaging 10% over the last 10 years.

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Mobile internet partially restored after 2 month shutdown in some parts of Ethiopia

(African News) — Ethiopia has restored mobile internet services after the service was blocked over two months. The blockage was connected with anti-government protests that broke out largely in the Amhara and Oromia regions.

Local portals reported that mobile service was restored on Friday evening (December 2) after being shut down since October 04. Ethiopia is currently under a state of emergency with some of the rules being a restriction on access to particular social media platforms. Anti government protests in the country are believed to have been largely instigated via social media.

Social media and messaging platforms such as WhatsApp, Viber and Facebook, and Instagram have still been blocked. Main internet lines were also said to be very slow during the period of the shutdown.

It is said that this is the longest sustained mobile internet service shutdown that has taken place in the capital Addis Ababa and across the country.

A recent report on access to the internet ranked Ethiopia amongst the worst in the world. In Africa they were ranked along with Gambia, Sudan & Egypt as the worst culprits.

According to the research on the use of the internet, online freedom generally around the world has declined for the sixth consecutive year.

All four African countries considered ‘Not Free’ had internet penetration of between 12 and 36%. Only Sudan did not block social media and other political and social content. But all the others did that and also conducted arrests of bloggers and internet users.

In all, 16 African countries were surveyed by the Freedom House team. The regional spread are as follows:

• Five in North Africa – Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, Sudan, Morocco
• Two in West Africa – The Gambia and Nigeria
• Four in East Africa – Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda
• Five in Southern Africa – South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Malawi.

The report titled ‘Freedom on the Net 2016 – Silencing the Messenger, Communication Apps Under Pressure’ added that two out of every three internet users – 67% – live in countries where online activities are largely censored.

The research was carried out by Freedom House, ‘‘an independent watchdog organization dedicated to the expansion of freedom around the world.’‘ It looked at 65 countries across the world and how they related to the use of the internet.

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(Advocacy4Oromia, 04 December 2016) Oromia Support Group Australia (OSGA) has received UN special consultative status, a significant achievement for the NGO. The status allows the organisation to attend UN conferences and circulate statements at the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

“It’s very exciting for us because we were just dreaming of getting at this stage and it has been our wish for almost 10 years,” Marama Kufi, leader of OSGA, told Diaspora Action Australia (DAA) in a recent interview.

It wasn’t an easy path for the Oromia community in Australia to get the highest status granted by the United Nations to NGOs.

The road to consultative status was a long one. OSGA first sent the application in 2009, the decision for which was postponed twice. It persevered through long silences and continued requests for updates.

Marama recalls DAA’s constant encouragement through those tough times: “DAA invested a lot of energy, advice and consultation without hesitating. When we sometimes didn’t hear anything from the UN about our application, DAA would give us encouragement and motivation.”

It was not until July of this year that the organisation received the ECOSOC’s final decision.

With its special consultative status, OSGA can now participate in the work of the United Nations, such as attending the meetings of the United Nations Economic and Social Council on human rights issues. “Any time when we have human rights concerns in Ethiopia, we can report them to different bodies of the UN. Also, we get UN official invitation when there is a conference on human rights issues. We can also send a delegation when there is consultation time, as well as accessing in the periodic reviews every three years, where we can sit down and listen and then answer the questions,” Marama explains.

OSGA aims to raise awareness of human rights abuses in Ethiopia, particularly on Oromo people. It advocates against abuses and violations, based on the International Human Rights Law. Its efforts are focused on ensuring human rights and self-determination for all the people of Ethiopia.

Linking the organisation’s aim and its new UN special consultative status, OSGA’s next step will be to work hand in hand with the UN body in order to have a close connection and a way of reporting the human rights abuses in Ethiopia. OSGA’s members are still discussing the best manner to work with this recognised international body.

Despite being only one branch of a larger Oromo community network spanning many countries such as the USA, Canada and Europe, Oromia Support Group Australia is the only Oromo organisation in the world that holds this UN consultative status.

At the end of the interview, Marama reflected on the importance of OSGA’s achievement for other groups: “This new access to the UN will benefit others who work on the same human rights issue, such as Ogaden and Sudema communities. This achievement is not only for OSGA, but the entire region. We are helping others. We became a channel for global voices.”

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Ethiopia:  Murders and Mass Incarcerations Cannot Fix the Deep Human Rights Crisis

HRLHA  Press Release

December 4, 2016

The TPLF/EPRDF government boldly demonstrated its dictatorial behavior by arresting the Oromo Federalist Congress Leader Dr. Merera Giddina on Wednesday, November 30, 2016 under the pretext  that he had met with the other opposition political party-G7  leaders that the TPLF  labeled as a terrorist group.  Dr. Merera Gudina has been taken  to Maikelawi investigation Center with the other two men , Taye Negera and Kumala, both of whom live  in the same home, according to HRLHA Informants.  The Maikelawi Investigation Center In Addis Ababa is the TPLF  Torture – House   known as  “Ethiopian Guntanamo”

Dr. Merera Guddina

The Government spokesman Negeri  Lencho said in his briefing  to   journalists on December  2, 2016  “Dr. Merera  Guddina has been arrested because he violated   the State of Emergency rules  by contacting outlawed opposition party leaders in Brussels”.    Dr. Merera Guddina and Professor Berhanu Nega, the  G7 Leaders  had been invited by the EU parliament to  Brussels  to  attend the Conference  on the Ethiopian current political crisis sponsored by the European Parliament.  In the conference, many stakeholders participated and shared their  views on the  current Ethiopian political crisis. The TPLF/EPRDF has no legal grounds on which to criminalize Dr. Merera Guddina- unless the TPLF government labelled the  conference sponsor, the EU, as a terrorist group.

Meanwhile, the TPLF/EPRDF government of Ethiopia continues terrorizing the people  of Oromia and Amhara Regional States  by murdering and detaining them.  Since the mass movement began in Oromia in November 2015  and later spread to Amhara Regional state, thousands have been killed,  tens of thousands detained and other thousands have disappeared.  The TPLF government mishandled the peaceful  protests in both regional states where both nations demanded  their rights to   fair treatment, stopping the  land grabs and marginalization.

After ten months of unrest in the country, the TPLF/EPRDF declared a state of Emergency on October 8, 2016. The TPLF killing squad Agazi force was  deployed with full authorization into  Oromia and Amhara Regional States  to commit killings, incarcerations, rapes and steal money and valuables. Although there has been no single section of society that the Ethiopian TPLF/EPRDF regime has spared in the past one year, since last November Oromo youths in particular have become  the prime targets of  TPLF killing squad attacks. Several Oromo youths from universities, colleges and high schools have been disappeared by the TPLF killing squads. As a result, Oromia is losing many brilliant young men and women at the hands of TPLF murderers every day. This is putting future generations at risk.

HRLHA informants  report that the TPLF/EPRDF killing squad Agazi  force  continues to abduct  Oromo youths from  universities, colleges, highschools, homes and workplaces on a daily basis. The HRLHA  has received from its informants In south Oromia, Bule Hora District, Guji Zone  and Ada’a Berga District East Showa Zone information that  a number of Oromo youths have been picked up at  night and have been taken to  an unknown destination by the Agazi force.

The following are among the many Oromo youths abducted  by TPLF forces on November  29, 30, 2016 and taken to an unknown destination

Under remembering from the past, the HRLHA will try to highlight  the human rights violations reported by HRLHA and other human rights organizations against Oromo youths  in the past ten years which continue to the present.

The TPLF/EPRDF  government has been  targeting Oromo youth since  the Oromo youth  peaceful revolt against subjugation started in Oromia in 2005.

The following is a summary of  Oromo students  killed,  imprisoned, and disappeared  by TPLF/EPRDF security forces  in different universities in 2006

The HRLHA  tirelessly  continues  to  express its deepest concerns regarding the human misery taking place in Ethiopia in general and in Oromia and Amhara Regional  States in particular  and appeals to the world community to take tangible action to stop more bloodshed in Ethiopia by putting pressure on the TPLF- led Ethiopian government

Copied To:

• European Union
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• Minister of Foreign Affairs (Normway)
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U.S Senator Cardin Statement on Arrest of Oromo Opposition leader Dr. Merera Gudina in Ethiopia.

WASHINGTON (kichuu info) :  U.S. Senator Ben Cardin (D-Md.), Ranking Member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, released the following statement Friday after Dr. Merera Gudina, leader of the Oromo People’s Congress and one of Ethiopia’s opposition leaders, was arrested earlier this week after returning home following his testimony to the European Union parliament on the current political crisis in the country:

“Dr. Gudina’s arrest appears to be based solely based on the fact that he is a member of the opposition who has spoken out publicly against the regime, and as such he should be immediately released. He is not the only member of the opposition to be arrested for speaking out, and his detention signals a disturbing lack of commitment to the fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution.

“The government’s crackdown on Oromo protesters over the past year have resulted in very troubling allegations of torture and extrajudicial killings by security forces with little in the way of meaningful accountability.

“The Ethiopian government should release all journalists, members of the opposition and civil society activists who have been detained, and take meaningful actions to open political space, starting with lifting current restrictions on social media.

“Ethiopia and the United states are close partners. As such, I call upon the government to take actions which demonstrate that it is sincere about making political reforms toward an inclusive, truly representative government.”

Background:

Senator Cardin introduced a bipartisan Senate resolution, S. Res. 432, in April that condemns government crackdowns on and violence against civil society, opposition leaders and the media, as well as asks the Secretary of State to conduct a review of U.S. security assistance to Ethiopia.

Summary of S.Res.432 — 114th Congress (2015-2016)

Shown Here:
Reported to Senate without amendment (06/28/2016)

(This measure has not been amended since it was introduced. The summary of that version is repeated here.)

Condemns the:

• killings of peaceful protesters and excessive use of force by Ethiopian security forces;
• arrest of journalists, students, activists and political leaders who exercise their constitutional rights to freedom of assembly and expression through peaceful protests; and
• abuse of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to stifle political and civil dissent and journalistic freedoms.

Urges protesters in Ethiopia to refrain from violence.

Calls on the government of Ethiopia to:

• halt the use of excessive force by security forces;
• investigate the killings and excessive use of force that took place as a result of protests in the Oromia region;
• release dissidents, activists, and journalists who have been jailed for exercising constitutional rights;
• respect the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and guarantee freedom of the press and mass media; and
• repeal proclamations that can be used to prohibit funding for organizations that investigate human rights violations, engage in peaceful political dissent, or advocate for greater political freedoms or proclamations that prohibit or otherwise limit those displaced from their land from seeking judicial redress.

Calls on: (1) the Department of State to improve oversight of U.S. assistance, and review security assistance, to Ethiopia; and (2) the U.S. Agency for International Development to lead efforts to develop a strategy to support improved democracy and governance in Ethiopia.

Supports the peaceful efforts of the Ethiopian people to exercise their constitutional rights.

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The Political Crisis in Ethiopia

African Studies Association Panel Discussion

Washington, D.C.

3 December 2016

David H. Shinn

Adjunct Professor, Elliott School of International Affairs

George Washington University

(Davidshinn) — The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is experiencing its most serious governance and security challenge since it took power in 1991.  It dealt successfully with the Eritrean-Ethiopian war from 1998 to 2000, managed to avoid destruction during an internal party schism at the beginning of this century, and papered over a serious political crisis in the aftermath of the 2005 national elections.

The current situation is different.  It is a grassroots protest movement centered in Oromia but with manifestations in other parts of the country.  Unlike the 2005 post-election crisis, the protests are not being driven by opposition political parties but mostly by individuals with local grievances and, in some cases, long-standing concerns that the EPRDF does not allow sufficient space to express dissent.  Today, there is less freedom of the press and openness in Ethiopia’s political system than when I served as ambassador from 1996 to 1999.

The protests in 2016 have occurred in spite of impressive economic growth and infrastructure improvements orchestrated by the EPRDF over the past fifteen years.  However, this raises the question whether these achievements in the economy are benefiting the peasant farmer and urban laborer.  Part of the problem is that any government, irrespective of its success in managing the economy, begins to wear out its welcome after 25 years in power.  There is also the perception of growing corruption in the political system, another common characteristic of parties that remain in power for so many years.

Ethiopia’s high population growth rate, which adds each year to the population between one and two million people, also creates strains in society.  The massive expansion of primary, secondary, and, especially, tertiary education, which should be considered an EPRDF success story, has led at the same time to significant youth unemployment or under employment.  Even the rapidly growing economy has not been able to employ many of these young people.  Each year, an estimated 600,000 Ethiopians enter the work force.  That is more than the population of Luxembourg and not a whole lot less than the population of Djibouti.

The diversity and size of Ethiopia add to the governance challenges.  The second most populous country in Africa, Ethiopia has some 85 ethnic groups and important religious divisions among Orthodox, Protestants, and Muslims.  While religion does not seem to be a significant factor in the 2016 protests, it has contributed to outbreaks of violence in recent years.  In the minds of some, ethnic federalism has played a role in the protests, although others argue that ethnic federalism is a positive force.  At a minimum, it is clear that ethnic identity continues to be important in Ethiopia’s political process.

You can add to these challenges the fact that Ethiopia is undergoing a generational shift.  This development has a potential positive side because the younger generation appears to be less influenced by the prejudices and shibboleths of the older generation.  The question is, however, whether enough new blood can move into positions of power before the political system unravels.

The EPRDF response to the crisis so far has been largely the historical Ethiopian response of repressive security measures.  The EPRDF announced in January that it would scrap the Addis Ababa master plan that called for expanding the capital into surrounding farms.  This was one of the demands of the Oromo protesters but was seen by many as too little, too late.  As the protests expanded, the EPRDF increased the number of detentions and arrests, announced a state of emergency in October, and then released 2,000 detainees at the end of October.  A cabinet reshuffle took place at the beginning of November.

In mid-November the EPRDF acknowledged that it was still holding 11,000 persons while one of the opposition political parties claimed the number of detainees was 60,000 and deaths had reached 1,500 over the past year.  The response to the protests by the EPRDF has been piecemeal, erratic, and disjointed.

All of these issues are exacerbated by several cultural characteristics that I believe are common in the Ethiopian highlands.  The concept of compromise appears to be nearly anathema to highlanders.  There is a tendency to believe that you must be 100 percent for a position and, if not, you are by definition against it.  There is little or no middle ground.  This makes it exceedingly difficult to resolve differences.  The EPRDF leadership also operates under a high degree of secrecy.  There is little transparency in the decision-making process.  This contributes to miscalculations by those who mistakenly interpret what the EPRDF is doing.

The question is where does the EPRDF go from here.  This is obviously a question for Ethiopians to answer.  The EPRDF says it is ready to reform the electoral process.  As an outside observer and friend of Ethiopia, I would encourage both supporters and detractors of the EPRDF to take the EPRDF at its word and pursue vigorously electoral reform.  A place to start is the municipal elections in 2018.  A completely revamped political process that levels the political playing field would, I believe, go a long way to defuse the current crisis.   While accommodating the concerns of the large Oromo and Amhara populations, it is also imperative to take into account the fears of the eighty plus smaller ethnic groups in Ethiopia.

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International Oromo Lawyers Association (IOLA) Press Release  on the Arrest of Professor Merera Gudina

The International Oromo Lawyers Association (IOLA) expresses its deepest concern over the detention of prominent Oromo/Ethiopian opposition leader professor Merera Gudina, a Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and Vice-Chairman of the Coalition of Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (MEDREK)).

The Ethiopian government detained prof. Gudina, upon his arrival from Europe where he was addressing the European Parliament in Brussels. He was invited by the EU parliament to brief the MPs on the current situation in Ethiopia in general and the effect of the recently declared state of emergency in particular.

According to the information available to us from the official government media outlet, prof. Gudina was arrested because of his violation of Article 1 of the country’s two-month old State of Emergency decree which, in total contradiction to the nation’s constitution, seriously curtailed citizens’ fundamental right to freedom of expression and assembly. Allegedly, Prof. Merera, was accused of meeting at the EU with official of the so called “terrorist organization” namely Ginbot-7, who was also invitee of the EU MPs.

IOLA is of the opinion that Prof. Merera committed no crime but exercised his fundamental freedom to movement, freedom of expression and assembly as guaranteed in the Constitution of Ethiopia. But invoking terms of the Martial law to detain and subsequently prosecute a citizen is contrary to letters and sprits of international Human Rights Conventions governing aspects of state behaviors during emergency situation.

The imprisonment of Prof. Merera is not an exception. Almost the entire party officials of Oromo Federalist Congress – OFC, has already been imprisoned including the Deputy Chairman of the party, Mr. Bekele Gerba who is in his second round of detention for no other reason than exercising his fundamental human rights as guaranteed in the Constitution.. During his speech at the European Parliament, Prof. Merera also indicated that over 60,000 innocent Oromo civilians are currently detained in several military camps in different parts of the country, following the declaration of state of emergency.

It is with this in mind that IOLA calls on the Ethiopian government to immediately release prof. Merera without any precondition unless otherwise it is proven that he indeed committed a common crime, in which case, the government has to officially charge him with such a crime and bring him to justice.

IOLA calls on friendly government and the international community to intervene in whatever possible means to ensure that prof. Merera’s fundamental human rights are respected as stipulated in the nation’s Constitution of 1995 and demand his release without delay.

OLA stands ready to provide necessary professional support needed in this respect.

Executive Board of IOLA

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The Chair of the European Parliament Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI) was shocked at arrest of leading Ethiopian opposition figure Prof. Merera Gudina after his recent meeting with MEPs

Press release – Human rights − 05-12-2016 – 17:52

(EP) DROI, Elena Valenciano (S&D, ES), made the following statement:

“On 30 November Ethiopian security forces detained the chairman of the Ethiopian opposition party ‘Oromo Federalist Congress’ (OFC), Professor Merera Gudina, shortly after his arrival in

Addis Ababa.

Prof. Merera was returning from Brussels where – together with other Ethiopian activists and the Olympian athlete Feyisa Lellisa – he had had a meeting with MEPs on 9 November 2016.

I urge the Ethiopian Government to make public any charges it has brought against Prof. Merera and I will continue to follow his case very closely.

The European Parliament adopted an urgency resolution on the violent crackdown on protesters in January 2016, which requested that the Ethiopian authorities stop using anti-terrorism legislation to repress political opponents, dissidents, human rights defenders, other civil society actors and independent journalists.

Since January 2016 the human rights situation in Ethiopia has not improved at all. Human Rights Watch reports that security forces have killed more than 500 people during protests over the course of 2016. Moreover the state of emergency has led to further significant restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly. I therefore reiterate Parliament’s demands as set out in its resolution.

The European Parliament is aware of the difficult situation in Ethiopia and stresses the need to continue to support the Ethiopian people.”

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Oromia: The next Aleppo in the making!

On Sunday October 2, 2016, the TPLF controlled regime committed one of the worst massacres in Bishoftu, Oromia, in a day even by its deplorable standards, where about 700 Irreecha (Thanksgiving) celebrators got killed.

This is not being an alarmist or overreaction. This is the reality. The history of TPLF’s past actions are evidences of how far TPLF-led government can go to hold onto the levers of power is a clear indication of the looming possibility of Oromia becoming the next Aleppo. However, it must be noted that unlike what is happening in Aleppo, the Oromo youth who are fighting the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia with arms-up are non-violent not tanks, grenades, or rockets.

TPLF’s history of mass massacre:

1. It is widely believed that TPLF orchestrated the Hawzen massacre against its own people for political expediency over Derg and gain the support of the Tigray people.
2. TPLF-led government of Ethiopia rained bullets and gas-canister on more than two million people peacefully assembled at Ireechaa-2016, an Oromo Thanksgiving celebration, from air and ground resulting in the death of more than 700 people many of whom are women, children, and elderly.
3. It is not an accident that more than six prisons are set on blaze and prisoners are gunned down as they run to save their lives by armed security forces.
4. TPLF-elites have repeatedly told the world that if their government does not remain in power, Ethiopia will sink into genocide at a scale worse than that of Hutu and Tutsi. This is a code word that TPLF is ready and determined to destroy Ethiopia unless it remains in power.
5. TPLF committed massacre against the Anuak people in 2013 (see 4).
6. The jailing of Dr. Merrera Gudina, the last non-violent warrior, is a warning shot for the Oromo people by the command post.

Therefore, the evidences are clear to be concerned about a real possibility of another Aleppo on the horizon in Ethiopia.

The Oromo people have a hard and historic choice to make: Unite and stop Oromia from becoming the next Aleppo or risk many Aleppo in Oromia.

War kills people, destroys family, community, and a country.  Aleppo is a sad example of our time (The Qubee generation) to this fact. In a free and just society, people choose their government. If they are unhappy with the government they elected, they have a means to change their government without resolving to violence. Any society that follows this bed rock principle assures itself of continuity, prosperity, and coherent society.

When a minority rules over the majority, this basic principle gets compromised. A government by the minority always feels insecure and suffers from a reverse majority-minority syndrome. It never takes responsibility for its short-comings. It blames others for its failures. A government by a minority hallucinates that everybody is out there to get them and that this is the last time they hold the levers of power. Because of these paranoia, a government by minority feels the need to control the life of its citizens by controlling the institutions, the economy, the press, the police, the army to stay in power for as long as it can.

The minority Tigray-led government in Ethiopia, a population of about 6% of the 100 million Ethiopian populations, is a poster child of this episode.

1. TPLF elites through Endowment Fund For The Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) and their associates control the economy of the country directly or indirectly by partnering with foreign investors.
2. More than 70% of high ranking commanders from generals to Battalions and the security apparatus are controlled by people from Tigray Ethnic group. (Generals: Tigray=49, Amhara=4, Oromo=8) (see 3)
3. The representation of Tigray in the majority of the rank-and-file of the armed forces and securities are made up of people from the minority Tigray ethnic group.
4. Immigration offices and airports in the country to embassies and diplomatic posts around the world are filled with hand-picked people from Tigray ethnic group.
5. Minority Tigray-led won “The 100% election” of 2015 (see 3) as a testimony to their mastering the art of election rigging and they got so good at it that even the WEST bought into it.

In spite these challenges, the Oromo people and the rest of Ethiopian people have tried everything in the book to change Ethiopia for good.

Fair and free election

This has been tried under very difficult circumstances in TPLF’s Ethiopia starting from 1991 and proved to be a fatal exercise for oppositions.

TPLF has lost elections after elections and still is in power. Mr. Junedin Sado, ex-president of Oromia regional state and high ranking official at different capacities, in his recent interview unequivocally confirmed that EPRDF steels elections and himself was a beneficiary of stolen election.  It is to be remembered that in the most recent election TPLF-led EPRDF won 100% of the parliamentary seats.

Call for Western and International community Influence

Burned by the bad experiences of regime changes in the Middle East and elsewhere, the presence of Al Shabaab in Somalia, and the fragile peace in Sudan forced the hands of the West from forcefully pushing TPLF for a meaningful change in Ethiopia. They see TPLF as a stabilizing force in the horn of Africa. TPLF also has done a great con job to present itself as the only viable option in Ethiopia

Most importantly, the West puts its money and support not where its mouth is but where its interest is and with whomever is organized and able to protect their interest.

Change through non-violent resistance

There are many who think that it is possible to bring change to Ethiopia through a non-violence resistance.

First, the Oromo Liberation Front entered into a coalition with the hope of a Federal arrangement with TPLF and played significant role in the writing of the never-implemented Ethiopian Constitution. OLF agreed to unilaterally put its army into camp which was a grave mistake and left a black mark on the ardent advocates of this unwise move.

Secondly, after OLF left the transitional government, Oromo Federal Congress, along many other independent ethnic and multiethnic parties formed with the hope of transforming Ethiopia into a democratic society through fair and free elections.  Today, their leaders are either killed, jailed, or in exile.  Dr. Merera Gudina is the latest of non-violent warriors to be jailed.

Fast forward, since November 2015, Oromo schoolchildren started a non-violent protest against land-grab policy and injustices. What they got in return is the most draconian “State of Emergence” under which Oromo people are robed at gun point in their homes and on the streets, women are raped, children are randomly killed, houses, markets, and villages are burned to the ground in Oromia and elsewhere. At least six prisons were burned in Oromia and Amhara regional state. Thousands are incarcerated from every village in Oromia and elsewhere. TPLF is draining Oromia of its youths.

The minority TPLF-led government left the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular with no choices.

The minority Tigray-led government is maintaining its power by:

1. Toying with Amhara-elites with the time proven tactics of Ethiopian unity and one flag whenever convenient. Most emblematic of this is the use Amhara-elites obsession over Finfinee.
2. State terrorism through intimidations, arrests, tortures, and killings.
3. Turning blind eyes on corruption at every level including by OPDO and ADM officials as a down payment to make it hard for them to turn their back on the regime otherwise risk prison.
4. Use Oromo soldiers in Amhara region and Amhara soldiers in Oromia so that they don’t show compassion and join the revolt by their respective people.

What can the Oromo people do at this time?

The Oromo political parties and activists not only have a choice to make but also an obligation to make the right choice; A choice to work together to strengthen the people on the ground in every way possible. Those who choose to defend themselves and their country should be supported accordingly.  It is time to form a united front under one grand organization and reach out to the rest of Ethiopian people to work together to force the hands of the minority Tigray-led government in Ethiopia to a negotiation table by weakening and dismantling the military and security apparatus of TPLF.

TPLF elites are not going away with rumors, wishes, spreading hates, and lies. After TPLF, it is up to the peoples to chart a new course that is different from the last 100 plus years. The Ethiopia we have come to know for so long is no longer sustainable!

OLF and the Oromo people should be encouraged by the solidarity shown by the people of Gondar and Gojjam and continue to find ways to work together to free all people of Ethiopia. The Finfinee obsessed Amhara-elites are singing the same old failed song that failed all of us including the all Amharas outside the beltway of Finfinee.

TPLF should not be allowed to turn Ambo, Arsi, Nekemte, Bahar Dar, and Gondar into Aleppo! History will be harsh on the two largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia, about 65% of Ethiopian population, if and when that happens.

1. https://www.oaklandinstitute.org/land-deals-africa-ethiopia
2. http://www.ethioreference.com/amharic/Revised_Ethnic_Divesity_in_The_Ethiopian_Armed_Forces.pdf
3. http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/sites/default/files/Arriola-27-1.pdf
4. https://www.hrw.org/news/2005/03/23/ethiopia-crimes-against-humanity-gambella-region

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Dear: All OROMOS, Generous Individuals, All Organizations, and Faith Communities

We are writing this letter to ask for your generous support on behave of Oromo mothers lost their loved children while they were asking their God given human rights and killed by military forces of Ethiopian government.

As we all are aware, Oromo mothers are working hard until they feed the whole family enough and bring up their children hoping that they will support them back and more than anything they love their children. When their children are killed, their future turned to darkness and they have no any means of survival.

The International Oromo Women’s Organization (IOWO) grassroots initiative in Washington DC area (DMV) branch want to reach out and help Oromo mothers whose children have been killed and lost their hope.

On December 17, 2016 we are hosting the Fundraising Dinner to support Oromo mothers lost their children at 8525 Fenton St., Silver Spring, MD 20910, Veterans Place at 6:00PM.

Your support to those hopeless mothers is very vital, remembering that our mothers gave us all they had, so we can back them today when they are helpless and in need of our Support.

We appreciate very much for passing this information to others for their presence and support.

Sincerely,

Zenebech Selgen

Chairwoman

IOWO-DMV Chapter

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Ethiopia: A Leadership in Crisis Unveiled by Protests

By Hamaa Loolaa

Addis Abeba Dec. 07/2016 (Addis Standard) – It is now more than a year since the Oromo Protest for justice and democracy began in Ethiopia. It reverberated throughout Oromia and exposed the regime’s use of brutality to suppress and silence dissenting voices. But instead of waning, the struggle gained momentum when the Amhara youth in Gondar and Bahir Dar came out not only to demand justice for themselves but also carrying slogans asking the regime to stop the killings, arbitrary imprisonments, the torture and forced disappearances of  innocent Oromo civilians.

Such protest is not only the first of its kind to vehemently challenge the quarter century uncontested rule of the TPLF dominated EPRDF in Ethiopia, but also has significantly shifted the overall power balance, mindsets and political dynamics in the country.  It also inspired other peoples of Ethiopia to rise up for their rights and engaged all Oromo from east to west and from south to north irrespective of age, gender or religion. (The streets in Oromia were overwhelmed by hundreds of thousands of protesters including a 77-year-old grandmother who went out with her stick in a brave act of defiance against the regime’s brutality.)

Because the protest has, beyond its initial call against land dispossession, evolved into a struggle for freedom, a resistance against injustice, and a longing for a dignified life, no amount of force or of coercion was able to suppress it, let alone stop it. A year on, it is now safe to conclude that this nationwide protest has already planted itself in the hearts and minds of millions of oppressed people as the most significant event of the year.

The protests and the public debates that followed have also impacted others’ views on the long-standing plights of the Oromo and the Amhara, the two largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia. Prior to these protests hardly anyone understood, much less publicly recognized, the sacrifices paid by the Oromo and the Amhara to live a dignified life in their own country. Above all, it exposed how successive regimes in Ethiopia have marginalized, denied and robbed these two groups of their ability to develop and flourish as human beings in their own country.

What a demanding public exposed

Inspired by these protests, currently, Ethiopians all over the country are asking their government to protect and respect their economic, social and cultural rights as well as their civil and political rights. But at the same time, the government’s response is helping the people of Ethiopia to realize that it has almost no leadership capacity to respond to their demands. Ethiopians now see that their government is dysfunctional and its leadership in crisis; what exists and functions is a dissonant leadership that exacerbates conflict, driving the society into a downward spiral from frustration to resentment, and perpetuates antagonism and hostility.

Throughout the year, the ruling party has demonstrated no notable leadership capacity; not one political leader has spoken authentically to the hearts and the minds of the people in order to solve the common problem amicably. Instead of making an effort to lead through this crisis and face the challenge by creating an accommodating environment for all Ethiopians, the ruling party cliques have remained empty demagogues who keep on sending divisive messages and wielding their power by fear-mongering techniques.

Beyond the call for freedom and justice, the Oromo and Amhara protests, as well as the defiance in various parts of the country including from the people of Konso in the south and Tigray in the north, have exposed the truth about EPRDF’s leadership capacity, which was mystified by ‘*seventeen years of relentless struggle and tested leadership to defeat the largest military in Africa*’. It is now clear that it is nothing more than an empty ideological rhetoric and a means to frighten, belittle and silence people who ask difficult questions and challenge the system. But that doesn not mean than the rest of Ethiopians do not recognize and appreciate the sacrifices and the agony the Tigray people have paid for seventeen years to oust the military dictatorship. However, it is not hard to see that the TPLF, which was born out of this struggle and had led this protracted war to victory, and the regime it dominates, have turned out to be an authoritarian regime.

There for good or bad

 Although the yearlong nationwide protests led by the Oromo and the Amhara, as well as others to various degrees, have exposed the regime’s inability to bring in meaningful political leadership, for good or bad, the TPLF dominated EPRDF is the government in power which, for now, will determine the course of actions to respond to the current struggle for justice and democracy.

There is a possibility that the TPLF dominated EPRDF might take one of the following two courses of actions. Both have a potential to direct or misdirect the current call for democracy and justice in two mutually exclusive directions.

First course of action: road to democratization and peace

The first direction and course of action the TPLF dominated EPRDF may consider is the road to democracy and sustainable peace. However, reversing the current dire political condition and responding to the needs of the people requires it to recognize and understand the need for change; it requires embracing the change and transformation the people want to realize through a democratic process.

Hard as it may be, the following course of actions should precede any other course of action to start the democratization process.

Restore the constitution – build trust and confidence of citizens around the constitution by making it a practical document. Arguably, this means the regime itself should begin respecting the constitution and lead by example.

Scrap laws and policies which are against the constitution and which prevent citizens from exercising their democratic rights enshrined in the constitution. These include, but not limited to, scrapping the Anti-Terrorism Law, which is so far mainly used to silence citizens and violate their rights than persecute suspected terrorists; amending the draconian press law, which is so far used to violate citizens’ right to freedom of expression and access to information; scrapping the Civil Society and Charities Law, which is prohibiting the growth of independent civil society organizations which are the pillars of non-state actors in the development of democracy and human rights in the country.

Release all political prisoners unconditionally.  Obviously, once the laws and procedures, which often undermine the constitution, are lifted there is no reason to keep people in prison.

Reform, among others, the justice system, the police, security forces and prison administrations as well as the election board, the anti-corruption commission, the human rights commission, and the state-controlled media.

Possible impact

 The ruling party would lose nothing for taking this revolutionary action. In fact, it would help it to breath; to objectively address its current leadership crisis and reemerge as a legitimate political force. It would also provide it with the opportunity to think strategically.

Change is a natural state, which we cannot completely control or make predictable.  It is overwhelming and chaotic, but rewarding at the end. The most important step to start the process of change is by being bold, letting go of the old and rigid ways of thinking and governing. The regime in Ethiopia has to come out of its fear of change and see the bigger picture; it should relax its grips on old practices, which did not contribute to its own growth or to that of the rest of the country for the last 25 years.

There is no question that by taking such bold actions, the TPLF dominated EPRDF has a comparative advantage over other political groupings currently operating in the country. As it has shown in the past it can rehabilitate itself quicker than others and appear as a viable political organization in the years to come.

Above all, this action ensures the continuity of the democratization processes by engaging citizens to determine their own future and relieves the existing state-citizen tensions. If this is done, the healing process, as well as the peace and reconciliation process will be relatively easier.  Ultimately, this approach also guarantees the existence and continuity of Ethiopia as a nation home to all its citizens.

Implications for a protesting nation

This peaceful democratization process can bring change and transformation to the people of Ethiopia in general and the Oromo in particular, who are the largest ethnic group in the country and have been the driving force of the nationwide protests. As a result, the Oromo struggle for democracy and justice might fall under one of the following two scenarios.

First is the scenario in which Oromo elites, by the virtue of being a middle class, by affiliation to any Oromo-related organization, or by their prior personal experience come together and create a consortium, a democratic front, or a party to lead a meaningful struggle. This may, in turn, render irrelevant disorganized struggles, which often hamper or even take hostage the Oromo struggle for freedom and justice.

The physical and emotional separation and distance of the Oromo elites from the struggle on the ground may at times prevent them from sensing and living the struggle itself. Unless the democratic process on the ground creates room to accommodate all dissenting voices both from within and abroad, those who have the leadership capacity and the necessary political know-how cannot provide adaptive leadership or have the empathetic capacity to connect to the mass, particularly with the young generation that is both leading and shouldering the brunt of the struggle.

The second is a scenario in which the need to phase out the old and replace it with the new thinking and political organization both within the country and abroad takes precedence.  The Oromo Protest and the current awakening is a painful form of labor to give birth to a new dynamic and profound political organization fit for the 21st century.

For this new Oromo organization to be born and to become the vanguard of the struggle, all old Oromo organizations, which were and still are trying to contribute under different names and ideologies, have to die a natural death and give way to new thinking and new possibilities. The new will have the energy and capacity to unify and transform the Oromo to a higher level and lead the struggle to victory. Like the TPLF, all Oromo organizations which existed for decades and have tried to contribute, albeit less successfully, have reached their maximum limit and are in need of reform.

The struggle between the old and the new is natural – even our cells are continually dying and being reborn. The Safuvalue, which is unique to Oromo culture and psyche, reaffirms this natural process, which urges the old to peacefully pass the scepter to the new.

Qeerro, the emboldened youth (as the name implies) is currently filling the leadership gap and taking the responsibility of leading the resistance against the current government, even as they are met with brutal responses. The Qeerro is successful in amplifying the struggle to all corners of Oromia and beyond, as well as inspiring all Oromos irrespective of age, religion, gender, class and locality. It has also unified the Oromo under the motto of ‘Tokkummaa’ (oneness or unity) and the ‘Say No’ or ‘Diidnee’ slogan.

Above all, by flying the resistance flag (not the OLF flag) the Qeerro demonstrated that the flag is the sign of freedom for which all revolutionary Oromos sacrificed their lives even long before OLF was created. It has raised this flag because it embodies hope and reminds all Oromos about those beautiful young people who died flying it.  Therefore, to lead the struggle to its final destination, the current Qeerro movement is in the stage of development to come out with the new leadership and organization from within its rank and file. Many think that Qeerro is just the network of youth from colleges, high schools, and elementary schools who are just driven by social media. But the fact is there are engineers, professors, medical doctors, businesspeople, and other professionals who are part of the rank and file of the Qeerro.

When the situation is ripe and there is a favorable political environment, the Qeerro can easily transform into a political organization. It is this organization and leadership of the Oromo which can navigate the ship towards freedom through the storm and onto its final destination. It is time this passion gets a new leadership it deserves.

Status quo: The second course of action for TPLF/EPRDF

The above scenario is in the event that the ruling party takes the course to democratize through reform. The second course of action is about maintaining the status quo. But it is a dangerous choice; a choice of war. It is about TPLF/EPRDF refusing to bring change from within itself and the country as a whole.

This is also a choice that looks for easy answers; but it is not the easy way out of the current quagmire. It is easy because it does not require critical thinking and having difficult conversations.  This course of action is a decision to repress and silence the current cry for democracy and human rights through the barrel of the gun. It is about war and involving its armed force, intelligence, federal police and militia in the internal issues of the country to brutally suppress the uprising. By doing so, it will only intensify the conflict to a higher level and bring human and property losses to the level the country and the people of Ethiopia can no longer endure.

Unfortunately, this is what we are witnessing today; military forces killing, arresting and torturing citizens on behalf of a regime in power. The impending consequence is that they will never be regarded as a national army delegated to protect the constitution, and will be labeled only as the enemy of the people.

In addition to its military solution to the conflict, TPLF/EPRDF is getting into its age-old habit of manipulating and drawing other nations and nationalities into a civil war; perpetuate religious conflict in different places by pitting one religion against the other; and create conflicts between rural people/farmers and urban dwellers. But it should be known that this will benefit no one, including the ruling party itself.

What is next?

Inspired by the yearlong Oromo and Amhara protests the rest of Ethiopians have made it loud and clear that they need a fundamental change; they have been saying so for 25 years, too. Ethiopians have tried with all their might and used every means possible to make their voices heard and have time and again proclaimed a moment of reckoning for a paradigm shift. Alas, instead of objectively and purposefully responding to this popular demand, the government is stuck into its old tactics of blaming, accusing, and intimidating people.

Now in a frantic act to quell and pacify the protests and silence the voices of the oppressed, in October this year the government declared a state of emergency for six months. However, the state of emergency is doing more harm than good and its implementation is driving millions to the edge of bitterness. The sooner the ruling party realizes that such techniques are only good to temporarily pacify rising public demands, the better. The only road to bring lasting solution is the road that begins by protecting the constitution and striving to build a democratic country with respect for human rights and the rule of law. This is also true for opposition political organizations, which are operating both in the country and abroad.

The underlying cause for the current protest and uprising is the struggle between the old and the new. The old is trying to do everything in its capacity to extend its life while the new is striving to shape and realize the new world it is envisioning.

For the good of all, the old (self and system) has to be courageous enough to accept and let go of its old organization, thinking, and power; it has to accept the inevitable.

The people of Ethiopia in general and the Oromo youth in particular, are determined to leave the past behind and move forward. They don’t want to be chained to and distracted by the past, which contributes less for the wellbeing of today and humanity of tomorrow.

Only when the old gives way to the new do citizens develop trust and confidence in a political system and themselves to take the responsibility of contributing to a democratic society and prosperous nation.

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The Struggle for the Soul of the Oromo Revolution: Continuity and Change Call for Consultations and Consensus

By Adnew Wakjira

The Oromo Movement has been trailing the tumultuous events taking place in Oromia during the past 12 months and efforts now to overtake the revolution and assume a commanding position thereof is threatening to cause further dislocations within the movement.

The Oromo Movement, taken here as the entire collective of political organizations — fronts, parties and groups — all entities that profess to seeking  and working  for the liberation of the Oromo people in one way or the other, peaceful or otherwise. It’s the broad spectrum encompassing all views, outlooks and trends obtaining in Oromia today. Qerroo, having been in the vanguard of the recent uprising commonly referred to as FXG, can be seen as the exception.

Oromos are not rudderless, as the enemy would’ve you believe, but would certainly benefit more from  a unified body as a people fighting for liberation. The widely held recognition among Oromos that the lack of a more cohesive and all- inclusive structure… if that were possible at all, has remained to be the Achilles Heel of the Oromo revolution .

Hence Atlanta recently (and London before that). The hurried convening of both meetings are a manifestation of the Oromo desperation and clamour to reach for each other and hold hands  in search of means and ways of saving Oromos living under the terror of the TPLF fascist state from genocide.

Atlanta was billed as a conference of Oromo leaders but I’m not sure those notable absentees would agree (more below). Be that as it may, whether you call it conference of Oromo leadership  or just an all-party Oromo conference, the need for such a gathering is not a moot point.

At this juncture in their history, Oromos are probably facing the worst kind of persecution, dehumanization and humiliation under the Ethiopian state, as day to day arbitrary killings, the raping of their women, and the looting of their property, have become the rule rather than the exception today under the occupation of the fascist TPLF clique. So in as much as it was intended to chart out ways and means of advancing the ongoing Oromo revolution for liberation and self-determination, Atlanta was a welcome development.

Except, important elements of the Oromo body politic were missing in Atlanta. As a matter of fact, the anomalies of Atlanta, as far as representation of leadership was concerned, was two- fold:  Just as some veterans of the Oromo struggle were conspicuous for their absence, there were others whose presence left a lot of Oromos incredulous. Or at least there was one.

This unwelcome participant, according to reports, was of course the former so-called president of the Oromia region who, in the eyes of many Oromos, is responsible for crimes committed against our people as a top agent of the TPLF, notably the killing, expulsion and persecution of Oromo college students.

Yes, Junedin Saddo deserves due process of law, at the appropriate time and place, but he shouldn’t have been allowed anywhere within a hundred miles of that conclave in Atlanta, let alone participate in it. That was a travesty of justice as well as an insult to the Oromo struggle our people are dying for every single day.

I do not know the individual personally but considering the interviews this man has given on Oromo media and his mea culpa on this very website, none has shown that he was forced to commit crimes against our people with the TPLF pointing a gun to his head; all his efforts being a concerted attempt at exonerating himself.  In any case, suffice it to mention here that him and scores like him, still in the service of the TPLF in positions of influence, will sooner or later, face justice in front of the Oromo people. Until such an eventuality, it’s within no Oromo individual or group’s authority to try to sanction their rehabilitation on any ground whatsoever, if indeed, as some suspect that was the idea behind his attendance.

On the other hand, this convention of Oromo leaders was remarkable for the non-inclusion of notable veterans and widely acknowledged leaders of the Oromo revolution like Galaasaa Dilbo, Daud Ibssa, Mulugeta Mosissa … to mention just a few. These individuals may have differences but no Oromo of my generation would dispute the immense sacrifices they’ve made by committing their entire lives to the promotion of the Oromo struggle.  I would submit these gentlemen can claim to have made more contribution to the Oromo struggle than a majority of the participants of the Atlanta convention. But it is understandable if they were not willing to be under the same roof as Junedin Saddo.

So, little surprise when a tsunami of rebuke started coming the way of the organizers of the convention before the ink has dried on the documents, which themselves were leaking like water from a broken faucet.  Allegations and charges were made against the organizers of regionalism, friendship and so on, as criteria for the selection of delegates. Some of those appear sensible while others were clearly non sequiturs. But none were pleasant to read for an Oromo.

The most serious allegation indeed was that of harboring sinister motives aligned with the enemy, which may well be over the top. But Atlanta can be viewed as one manifestation of the struggle for the soul of the Oromo revolution, of its leadership, of the direction it should take and eventually its very destination. And in the confusion that surrounds this struggle anyone who is not wary of the enemy’s meddling would only be the politically naïve. The TPLF are sophisticated as well as experience in the art of infiltration and espionage and would do everything and anything to hijack the Oromo struggle at this very crucial stage; they haven’t been able to defeat our people on the battlefield, so they would penetrate and sabotage.

This is not to cast aspersions on the organizers of the Atlanta conference per se, but just to raise awareness to the enemy’s preparedness to go to any length to infiltrate and subvert. And they come in the shape of Oromo nationalists speaking and writing fluent Oromo.

We have to be on the guard that Atlanta will not end up creating a virtual universe, non-existent in reality of course, with regard to the vanguard of the Oromo liberation movement thereby opening a chasm that the TPLF is only waiting and willing to jump into to exploit.

It is wrong to assume that only because the OLF is divided, the Oromo leadership is up for grabs. It’s a perception reinforced by the enemy of course. We know full well that OLF fighters are laying down their lives every single day in Oromia for the dignity of all of us and the liberation of our people.  So we cannot deny them. The OLF is not perfect but it’s the main, if not only, shield Oromos have against their enemy at the moment.

Atlanta would be a huge success if only it served as a wake- up call, a kind of prompt to the various factions to expedite the reunification of the OLF. It should be taken as a development partially posing a challenge, but a positive challenge, to their very raison d’etre. Events are fast rendering them irrelevant.

So it’s not entirely without justification that a series of warnings and admonitions were directed at the organizers to beware of the pitfalls around us, even branding some as OPDO surrogates. As an independent, I was taken aback by the harshness of the tone of those criticisms. I am unaware of the cause for the angst but I know for sure that the last thing that the Oromo intelligentsia needs at this moment are rancor and upheaval within its ranks. It’s indeed unfortunate and regrettable.

We should treat one another with camaraderie, respect and love that we all deserve; in the final analysis we all want the same thing for our people, their freedom and prosperity. Those Oromos are decent and well-meaning people who are trying to do what is best for their suffering people.

Having said that, however, there are no doubt some wolves among us in sheep’s clothing, whose mission seems to be creating doubt and division particularly via subtle comments on Oromo media, which serves the broad spectrum of views, outlooks.

People are entitled to their opinions. Without naming names, such individuals who from time to time use their opportunity on the OMN to insert TPLF/OPDO interests will no doubt eventually be exposed for what they truly are. So while there should be no question regarding the freedom of the Oromo media and the excellent work they are doing, particularly OMN, the bar should always be the liberation of the Oromo people and the promotion of their interests.

Meandering back to Atlanta though, the conference would’ve been more productive, if only it was  aimed at addressing the emergency facing our people today on priority basis. First priority should be raising the financial assistance our people so badly need at the moment. It looks from the outside looking in, Atlanta is so over ambitious, trying to accomplish today what should be done tomorrow, that it could suffer its own weight. Secondly, we need to rally international support for the struggle of our people via intensifying the diplomatic campaign. The regime currently is literally being sustained through the assistance and loans it receives from America and EU, which is dwindling by the day but it’s still coming in.  Let’s do first things first.  Our people need food, as TPLF is using hunger as a weapon against Oromos. Let’s focus on the basics. Our people need vital supplies to survive and defend themselves against TPLF onslaught. So focusing on the essentials for now as a matter of priority would provide the most effective support that our people need.

That would hence help us to avoid getting entangled in elaborate details of law, governance, and constitution, at this moment.  Yes we do need those too but not now. Besides, these issues are really for a duly elected Oromo constituent assembly to be considered in all their elaborate detail.

Atlanta has neither the legitimacy nor the mandate to address these supreme issues of a future Oromo state. Trying to bite more than we can chew would only get us bogged down in unnecessary matters, relatively speaking, and make us lose focus. Above all, it would invite unnecessary divisions and disharmony within this amorphous coalition, as seen already.

Any future Oromo project can be accomplished via committees or task forces without even the need of a conference like Atlanta; it can even be done by  think tanks.

Nevertheless, Atlanta may be seen as a projection of Oromo unity. And a colossal undertaking of this nature needs enormous planning. Since the outcome would have deep repercussions for the Oromo struggle, its planning and execution should’ve been underpinned by patience, consultations and consensus.

Atlanta, despite all its inadequacies, may have accomplished the founding of a pan-Oromo body but it needs to be all inclusive going forward by addressing the very fundamental problems mentioned above, if it’s to attain the legitimacy such an august body deserves. There is still a chance to work on differences and the first thing to do on both sides is to bring hostile propaganda to a halt and show remorse for things each side has uttered or done which have obviously caused offence and grievance to the other.

There are always issues that arise out of sheer generational differences in a struggle like ours that has dragged on for too long. As the old gives way to the new, in accordance with the law of nature, change takes effect while the struggle continues. But all should be done in an atmosphere of brotherhood, respect, consultation and consensus.

The older generation has the responsibility to mentor the young without being so domineering. And the young on their part should learn, without being so cavalier cocky, to listen to, respect and cherish the wealth of wisdom bequeathed to them by the elders as they carry the struggle forward.

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In Cairo, Ethiopia’s Oromos lose hope with UN refugee agency

Dec 6 (Reuters) — In Egypt, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has been the target of bitter criticism and even violent protest this year.

Protests at the agency’s Cairo headquarters – including one man setting himself on fire – have been led by Oromos, the single biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia.

The Oromos say the UNHCR – which by agreement with the Egyptian government has responsibility for determining asylum applications in Egypt – has routinely rejected their asylum claims. The Oromos claim the UN agency has been hostile to their allegations of discrimination, persecution and even torture by the government of Ethiopia. Protests and a government crackdown in Ethiopia have left 140 (the government estimate) or 314 (Human Rights Watch) dead since July and pushed thousands of people to flee the country.

UNHCR said the criticism is unfounded. It conceded there had been delays to processing applications but said those were caused by a shortage of resources.

It was “absolutely not true to say we reject everyone,” said Tariq Argaz, a UNHCR spokesman.

Nevertheless, an increasing number of Oromos in Cairo have tried to get to Europe this year. Almost half of the estimated 150 Ethiopians who drowned in a sinking on April 9 joined the voyage straight from the UNHCR protest, according to relatives and survivors, who said the UN agency effectively pushed them to risk the dangerous journey across the Mediterranean.

“We have come to feel in Cairo, it is Europe or death!” said Arafat Abdulrahman, an Oromo who lost several friends in the April disaster. He set off for Italy himself and arrived safely in July.

SELF IMMOLATION

Muaz Mahmud, the Oromo migrant who lost his wife Duniya and their two-month-old baby in the shipwreck, is furious with the UN. “If our case had been taken seriously we would have waited for the UN to make a decision,” he said. “We wouldn’t have dared to leave. But we lost hope.”

Mahmud, 25, said he fled Ethiopia after being arrested for protesting. He said police had tortured him with electric shocks. “‘You don’t have the right to speak,'” he said they told him. “‘If you want to be silent and live silently, you go ahead and live silently.'”

Mohammed Seid, public relations director of Ethiopia’s Office for Government Communications Affairs, said no law-abiding citizens had reason to fear the government.

“Ethiopia is governed by rules,” he said. “Opposition activity that is not criminal in nature, or does not involve violence, is not illegal in Ethiopia.”

Seid said that Oromos who make it to Europe or the United States often lie to win asylum. “In their bid to find shelter, or be handed green cards, residency status or have their asylum bids accepted, any pretext is claimed,” he said. “But the main reason is economic … Traffickers lure them through false promises of easy wealth.”

In late April, UNHCR in Cairo agreed to work with Oromo groups to resolve the growing dispute there. But 40 or so refugees remained camped outside the agency’s office. In July, Getu Ayana, 26, doused himself with petrol and lit a match. Another migrant, Asli Nure, tried to put out the flames. Her clothes caught alight, and both died. According to other Oromos, the self-immolation was in protest at the high number of rejected asylum claims.

Argaz, the UNHCR spokesman, said staff helped get the two medical attention. He said every refugee application is treated on its merits and processed in a transparent and fair way.

Abdo Mohamed, chairman of the Oromo Sons Refugee Association in Cairo, said frustrations remains. “The UNHCR have promised to work on this issue but they are still rejecting people,” he said.

(Edited by Simon Robinson)

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Deliberately creating confusion in the name of the OLF is a criminal act

(Press Release by the OLF)

OLF refutes the news of Galaasaa Dilboo being elected as a chairman. The so called election has never taken place in the OLF. Galaasaa Dilboo presented his resignation from the position of chairmanship and the National Council of the organization accepted his appeal and relieved him off the duty in the year 1999. Since then, Galaasa Dilboo kept aloof and has been leading his refugee life and barely was active participant in the struggle. There is no miracle that necessitates his comeback after 17 solid years.

By blatantly violating the established legal procedure and organizational structure for resolving any differences that might arises, some power hungry and anarchist issued an illegal statement on December 6,2016 in the name of the OLF.

Promoting, protecting, and strengthening the unity of purpose and direction among its members has always been the priority for the OLF. In line with this strategy, therefore, the OLF leadership has been tirelessly working for reconciliation and unity with those who fell out with this organization in the course of its struggle for liberation and independence.

To mend the split that took place in the OLF, in the year 2000, the OLF and the OLF transitional authority (QC-ABO) have unanimously agreed to resolve their differences and unite the OLF under one: name, structure, political objective, leadership, constitution, political program and strategy in Berlin, Germany, in June, 2014. To implement this unity agreement, the political programs and the constitutions of both parties were harmonized and adopted at OLF reunification conference held in Berlin, Germany. Accordingly, appointments were made to different departments, divisions and committees through consultation and consensus.

Unfortunately, as soon as the implementation of the agreement commenced, a handful of power hungry and anarchist former member of the leadership from OLF-transitional authority led by Galaasaa Dilboo, based in London, started to illegally repudiate duties assigned to them and directives issued to them by Executive Committee and the office of the chairman. Not only this, but also, they refused to participate in all regular and emergency meetings of the leadership. On the contrary, they illegally held several secret meetings of their own outside the legal forums stipulated in the constitution of the OLF.

However, regardless of their obstinacy to the rules and regulation of the organization, putting the national and organizational interest above all, OLF leadership patiently and continuously made a great effort to convince them to discharge their duties and responsibilities in accordance with the agreement. Regrettably, these few individuals insisted on rejecting the tireless effort the office of the chairman and the Executive Committee made to bring them back to the organizational modus operandi agreed up on. After exhausting all means at its disposal, Executive Committee of the OLF, decided to forward their case to the National Council of the OLF for deliberation and decision. Consequently, the National Council held a meeting, discussed the issue and unanimously agreed for the Audit and Legal Committee of the organization to talk to those individuals and report back to the council on the way forward. But, the effort made by this committee was also rendered fruitless because of their intransigence. Not only this, the National Council also formed a committee that was tasked with inviting them to the National Council meeting that was intended for the problems they alleged to have to be discussed and resolved amicably. With a complete disregard for the unity the current situation demands and unreserved effort the leadership of the OLF made to peacefully resolve their alleged problem, these individuals also rejected the invitation extended to them by this committee and finally decided to divorce themselves from the OLF by their own volition but regrettably, embarked on unwanted destructive and unpatriotic activities.

One of the destructive and unpatriotic activities they engaged in is the statement they issued on December 6, 2016 in the name of the OLF. Since the information and the decision contained in it are distortive, illegal, atrocious and confusing in time such as today when our people are in dire need of unity of command and direction, the OLF denounces this statement with the strongest term possible.

Therefore, the OLF would like to call up on: all its members, supporters, the Oromoo people, friends of the Oromo, to treat this statement with the contempt it deserves and reject all decisions passed and activities carried out by this illegitimate group. They should only engage with the official and internationally recognized OLF led by Chairman Dawwud Ibsaa. In particular, we want to assure all our members that the majority of OLF leaders are united and preparation is at an advance stage to conduct its regular National Council meeting. As the result, we urge all our members and supporters to remain calm and continue with their national task of implementing the national liberation programs laid out by their vanguard organization, the OLF. Finally, we hold accountable all those media houses who are at the for front in disseminating only one sided distortive and confusing information in the name of OLF, without seeking any clarification from the proper OLF leadership. We want to remind them that they should be: balanced, impartial and patriotic in their coverage of Oromo issues.

Victory to the Oromoo People!

Oromo Liberation Front

December 8, 2016

——-

የኦነግ መግለጫ Amharic version PDF
Afaan Oromoo version: ABO

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Ethiopia: A New Human Rights Action Plan as Country Plunges in Opposite Direction

(Addis Standard) — When the government unveiled a draft of its second National Human Rights Action Plan (NHRAP II) before the House of Peoples’ Representatives (HPR) in early November, lawmakers were told that the objective was to improve the human rights condition in the country. Chiefly, NHRAP II would develop a comprehensive and structured mechanism to advance the respect, protection, and fulfillment of human and democratic rights, which are explicitly guaranteed by the country’s constitution, according to the draft. Furthermore, the draft, which was then referred to the appropriate standing committee, would draw on “valuable lessons” from its predecessor that was implemented between 2013 and 2015.

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, (EHRC), the government-sponsored  body designated with the mandate to oversee human rights in the country, has brought the draft for consultation with stakeholders on 29^th November and while briefing the HPR, Yibekal Gizaw, head of the NHRAP II Secretariat at the Federal Attorney General’s office, said that among the objectives of the second action plan are objectives that show the importance of human rights for sustainable development within government entities, building public awareness about human rights issues and addressing the concerns of vulnerable groups. At the event, Addisu Gebregziabher, head of EHRC, expounded that NHRAP II would work to ensure the constitutionally-granted human and democratic rights of the people of Ethiopia.

The draft was tabled at the Parliament more than a month after the current six-months sweeping State of Emergencywas declared following a yearlong protest particularly in Oromia and Amhara regional states that posed the ultimate challenge on the legitimacy of the government. The State of Emergency gives all the right and might for a special command post composed of the nation’s security apparatus to squash many human and civil rights that are otherwise guaranteed by the constitution.

But if its predecessor (implemented without the excesses of a state of emergency) wasn’t one deserving much accolade in reaching its target of promoting and safeguarding  citizens’ deserved human rights, it’s worth asking if the second edition (in a country under martial law) would be anything more than a lip service.

The impotence of NHRAP I

When the NHRAP I came into being in 2013 mainly aiming at coordinating the activities of relevant governmental and non-governmental organs so as to improve the implementation of human and democratic rights guaranteed in the Constitution, some loved to see it as a political commitment on the government’s side for the enforcement of human rights. The plan, specifically, intended to “indicate the strategic guidelines to promote human and democratic rights in the country,” set forth “comprehensive, structured and sustainable” means “to respect and protect” human rights, raise public awareness and designate “strategies on how the government could work in collaboration with NGOs legally allowed to work on human and democratic rights, development partners, civil societies and other international stakeholders.” It includes close to 60 recommendations to cover gaps in sectors such as education, health, and culture.

Unfortunately, an overall assessment of its implementation could easily reveal that a great deal of its promises never materialized; many of its objectives were not realized. “We need a lot of proclamations and also guidelines for the protection of the rights of the people, for the accused persons, for the persons in prison and so on,” Berhnau Hailu, the then Minister of the Ministry of Justice had said. “For example, we have mentioned in the document the importance of a guideline on the use of force by the police.” However, a legislation that was meant to govern the proportional use of force proclamation has never materialized. Some of the legislations that were supposed to be drafted and then passed in its time span were simply rolled over to its follower.

Worse than that, in the years when the action plan was expected to promote the human rights condition, things have taken a wrong turn. In various places throughout the country, protesters raising questions of equality, justice, and rights have been met with brutal repressions. Hundreds were killed and maimed in the last one year only; thousands were arbitrarily jailed; and the whereabouts of hundreds more remains unknown.

An inquiry committee into the earlier phases of the protests in Oromia and Amhara regions organized by the EHRC early last year released a report which to a large extent absolves the excesses of security apparatus by asserting that the force used by the police were “proportional.”

In short, NHRAP I was futile.

Different plans, same results

The declaration in October this year of the six-months State of Emergency, which shortly preceded NHRAP II, was followed by the arbitrary arrest of more than 11, 000 Ethiopians, including prominent politicians, journalists, bloggers and rights activists, making the document not worth the paper it is written on.  For Ethiopians, with or without the imposing state of emergency, which suspended most parts of the constitution especially parts dealing with rights issues, expecting anything different from the second edition will be an exercise in naiveté.

In theory, NHRAP II deals with civil and political rights, economic, social and cultural rights, and rights of vulnerable groups. It even includes the right to clean environment and the right to development. Most importantly, it raises issues like the right to life, the right of the security of person and prohibition against inhuman treatment, rights of persons arrested, persons held in custody and convicted prisoners, the rights of persons accused, right of access to justice, right of thought, opinion and expression, and freedom of association among other rights. While these issues discussed in the draft of the action plan are music to the ears of many Ethiopians, as is sadly often the case in Ethiopia, they might just remain a pie in the sky. There are two compelling explanations for that.

First, the expected enforcement legislation might not come to see the light of the day (Just like the first phase) resulting in an absence when it comes to its practicality.

Second, even with a successful granting of a legislative shield, Ethiopians will probably still endure the suppression of their human rights by a security apparatus immensely powerful to be bound by the limitations of the law. Citing that the action plan encompasses 23 human and democratic rights, Yibekal of the NHRAP II Secretariat claims the document “shows the commitment of the government” to ensure the prevalence of human rights in the country.

However as many Ethiopians know it too well, these are words thrown around to please western allies, who will once again bankroll its so-called implementations.  When it comes to remaining faithful to its own words, the incumbent in Ethiopia isn’t one to be counted. AS

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St. Paul, Minn. (Macalester College) – Hawi Tilahune ’16, of Minneapolis, Minn., was awarded a 2017 Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Fellowship following a highly competitive nationwide contest. The Rangel Fellowship, funded by the U.S. Department of State and managed by Howard University, supports extraordinary individuals who want to pursue a career as a Foreign Service Officer in the U.S. Department of State. The Rangel Fellowship will provide Tilahune with approximately $95,000 in benefits over a two year period, and give her the opportunity to represent her country overseas.  She was one of only 30 fellows selected nationwide.

Tilahune graduated cum laude with a bachelor’s degree in international studies (with honors) and political science with a concentration in African studies. She was also the recipient of one of Macalester’s top prizes for seniors, the Global Citizenship award.

As an undergraduate, she worked with the Red Cross as international services coordinator, interned with the African Diaspora Policy Centre as a peace-building intern and at Catholic Charities as a social justice intern. She also had the opportunity to study abroad in The Hague, Netherlands, where she conducted research on Oromo diaspora discourse in The Netherlands. In the summer of 2015, Tilahune participated in the Junior Summer Institute at Carnegie Mellon University with the Public Policy International Affairs (PPIA) program. In addition to being active on her campus serving as the co-chair of the AfriKa! Student Organization and student liaison to the Macalester College Board of Trustees, Tilahune received a Mellon Mays Undergraduate Research Fellowship. Through this fellowship, she traveled to Cape Town, South Africa, in January 2016 to learn more about the challenges of inequality there.

As a diplomat, Tilahune would like to create positive change by assuming leadership in policy discussions on U.S.-Africa relations.

“Through my service as a political officer, I want to support America’s partnership and collaboration with the next generation of Africa’s leaders,” said Tilahune. “Whether through providing training on key issues such as conflict resolution or through offering mentorship opportunities to anchor their ambition, I hope to create positive change in allying with the dreams of young people on the continent. I specifically plan to reinforce the work of U.S. embassies across Sub-Saharan Africa in their youth engagement and help bolster the impact of Embassy Youth Councils for greater dialogue and collaboration.”

Tilahune also wants to make significant change through public diplomacy. She anticipates establishing various artistic platforms by which young people can encounter different cultures and identities and build areas of mutual understanding.

“My involvement with the Afrikan! Chorus during my undergraduate career, performing a traditional Swazi wedding song or a Soweto-style gospel melody, has opened my eyes to the dynamic power of music in building bridges among divided communities,” she said.

Tilahune plans to pursue a graduate degree in international affairs or public policy, with an interest in conflict resolution and public diplomacy.

As part of the Rangel Program, Tilahune will work for a member of congress on international issues this summer. In summer 2018, the U.S. Department of State will send her overseas to work in a U.S. Embassy to get hands-on experience with U.S. foreign policy and the work of the Foreign Service.

The Rangel Program is a joint initiative between the U.S. State Department and Howard University that aims to enhance the excellence and diversity of the U.S. Foreign Service.  Begun in 2003, the Rangel Fellowship Program selects outstanding young people each year from around the country who exhibit the ideal qualities of a Foreign Service Officer. Managed by the Ralph J. Bunche Center at Howard University, the Rangel Fellowship supports those selected through graduate school and professional development activities that prepare them for their careers as Foreign Service Officers. With the academic, professional and financial support from the program, Fellows now serve as diplomats around the world, contributing to a more diverse representation and effective execution of U.S. foreign policy.

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Book Review: Fikre T. Jigsa, ‘The True origin of the Oromo and Amhara” (Addis Ababa:  2008 E.C)

Daniel Ayana (Professor)

According to some reports “The True Origin of the Oromo and Amhara, has broken publishing record in Ethiopia, Last summer, it was published three times. The book’s popularity is in the timing, yearning for solidarity, and the topic, connecting the Oromo and Amhara in origin.  In the preface Dr. Fikre declared to overturn the hitherto received historical knowledge about the origin of Oromo and Amhara (p.8). He then introduced his sources: Mariras Aman Balay’s books published in Addis Ababa in recent years. In return Mariras Aman’s books were reportedly based on a new Geez manuscript discovered in an ancient Nubian Church about fifty years ago and subsequently translated into Amharic.  A quick search suggests Mariras Aman is a theology scholar and wrote many  books on the teachings of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church,  in addition to the five books Dr. Fikre used here as his main source. As such Dr. Fikre is a popularizer of Mariras Aman’s findings: a new Geez manuscript about Oromo and Amhara, some ancient books supposedly written in Suba, s pre-Geez language and alphabet (p.83).

The book is mainly about the Oromo in Ethiopia before the sixteenth century, focusing on a least known Oromo section, known as the Madabay in Geez sources or the Maadillee among the Oromo.  The book also claims that the Oromo and Amhara had one ancestor in the distant past. However, before discussing the merits of Dr. Fikre’s book, the chain of custody of the newly discovered manuscripts, the sources of the stories, should be clearly established and authenticated.  We are told about the unearthing of a Geez manuscript near an ancient Church in Jebel Nuba, Sudan. We are not sure who discovered the document, whether there are copies in Ethiopian monasteries or how the manuscript returned to Ethiopia.  One reads that the Geez manuscript was composed sometimes before 879 E.C, the year, one Sirak Za-Aksum, fled Yodit’s wars with a copy to Egypt and then later donated it to an ancient Nubian Church. The manuscript was allegedly found hidden under a rock surviving church burning. In Dr. Fikre’s book we also read that copies of the manuscript returned to Ethiopia during the Zagwe dynasty. The Emperors Lalibela (r.1185-1225) and Amde-Seyon (r.1314-1344) reportedly distributed copies to the monasteries. Egyptian-born EOC Patriarchs allegedly destroyed most of these copies (p.9). But are there be some more copies of the manuscript?  Alternatively one also reads that the manuscript might have been composed during the reign of the Emperor Iyasu (r.1682-1706) and somehow found its way to Jebel Nuba.  Are there more copies of the manuscript and if so which one is the original and which ones are derivatives? The date of the manuscript’s composition as well as the context of its return to Ethiopia should be established. How did experts in Geez manuscript assess Mariras Aman’s findings? Without establishing this chain of custody issues, the authenticity of the manuscript and its content remains problematic. Until such time, instead of historic source, they remain collection of folk stories containing some critical information. But the stories were woven together creatively.

Dr. Fikre also claims he introduced a new discovery about a past Suba alphabet, which is a combination of Latin and Geez features, and some rare Suba books (p.86). Dr. Fikre reports that the Suba, a section of an ancient Oromo, were massacred, expelled, and their language and books banned. Which monastery or individual collector owns these rare books? Dr. Fikre compared the reported Suba alphabets with Geez, and Latin alphabets (pp. 84-89).  But where is the key converting the unknown ancient Suba alphabets to the known equivalents in Geez and Latin characters? Why did the discovery of the ancient Suba books fail to make any news?

The central idea of the book is that the Oromo and Amhara originated from a common ancestor, Dashat/ Daset, who lived in Gojjam in antiquity (pp.68, 139).  Ironically at the bottom of this idea is the  Oromo belief that “moisture is the source of life.”  This basic environmental principle was twisted to assert that the Oromo emerged from water/Indian Ocean etc. Now the Oromo and Amhara were born on an island in Gojjam. Since sections of the Gujii and Boorana claim their origin back to Gojjam and Raayyaa, there is an overlap on both the Oromo and Amhara claims of origin.

Dr. Fikre weaves stories of Menilek I and Queen of Sheba. For scholars the lady queen and Menilek I belong to legend, not history (T. Tamrat 1972, 249-250). Dr. Fikre wrote that King Magaal, an Oromo, went to Jerusalem to pay homage to the baby Jesus. As a source for Dr. Fikre’s book, I wonder when this piece was first written. I am not interested in its literal truth and the authenticity. The alleged Jerusalem trip should be seen in its symbolism. The idea expressed is the opposite of religious bigotry that is extant in the history of world religions. The ideas are formulaic and aspirational; indicating understanding diversity, universalism, and inclusiveness by religious teachers. Reference to King Magaal’s trip to Jerusalem contradicts the pre-sixteenth century literature that depicts the Karayyuu, Dabassoo, Marsoo, and the Gumuz as the devil incarnate or those burning in hell.

Two points are worth stressing about the mythological genre. Most of the stories coming from ancient Geez manuscripts are wrapped in fables.  However, we can situate the stories in modern geographic boundaries; date them to pre-Aksumite, Aksumite or post-Aksumite times in relation to known historical events of the times. Since pre-historic population movements followed major rivers, their watersheds, and tributaries, placing ancient Oromo-Amhara homeland close to major water sources is plausible. Second, for many readers, Dr. Fikre’s book about Oromo and Amhara’s common ancestor appeals to their own pre-existing confirmation bias. They knew their Oromo lineage; now their ancestors were not immigrants from Asia, Madagascar, Zimbabwe or Kenya.

Oromo presence in the present-day Ethiopia long before the sixteenth century looms large in Dr. Fikre’s stories. Dr. Fikre included, from known historical sources, personalities such as Doori Tulu, brother of the Emperor Lebna Dengil’s queen mother, and his son Bula as the two Bahra Nagashs. Historians have long denied this historical fact to fortify the sixteenth century Oromo entry into Ethiopia and their being nomadic pastoralists. A new historical information is about the Emperor Lebna Dengil’s losing support from the Abba Gadaas of Tulamma on the eve of the Battle of Shimbra Kure in 1529 (p.81). Taddesse Tamrat included the Galaan and Yaayaa residing on Shawan plateau in medieval times (1972, 184).  Abuna Anorewos, one of the medieval saints during the reign of Amde-Seyon, (1314-1344) was born in Matige, Mugar, and spoke afaan Oromo. Yet various proposals are suggested to explain his Oromo language ability short of admitting Oromo presence in today’s Tulammaa areas. Dr. Fikre’s sources suggested Tulammaa’s discontent and its political consequence. The existence of these Geez sources is significant in itself.

Another story that has significance for the pre-sixteenth century history of Oromo is the assertion that the Queen of Sheba was an Azabo lady.  There is a reference to the pagans of hagara Azabo and the [Afar] in the hagiography Gadla Marqorewos. In Gadla Aron, the daughter of an Azabo king is depicted as a saintly character in paradise.  References to Ethiopis, Median, Melke-Tsedik  etc can be disregarded as a heritage of past uprootedness initiated  with the The Glory of the Kings. Even in this book, where the Ethiopian Empire extended from Egypt to India, the mythical Menilek I allegedly waged the first war against, among others “the… cities of… Gerra and districts of Hadiya… for enmity had existed between them from olden times.”  (Budge, The Queen of Sheba, p. 165). Place names mentioned are significant.

On the Suba people or the Madabay, the Geez reference is interesting. These were a group of ancient Oromo named variously as the Madibe, Madille, Matite by ancient Greco-Roman sources, coastal east African and Boorana arga dhageettii. (On Arga Dhageetti see Chikage Oba-Smidt, The Oral Chronicle of the Boorana… 2015).  Greco-Roman sources documented the Matite presence in northeast Africa about the first century A.D. East African sources referred to the Madille/Matite as the giants: builders of megalithic structures, water wells, and subterranean structures. Boorana sources remember the Maadillee as master builders. From about 376-736 C. E (nine cycles of 40 years) the Abbaa Muudaas from the Maadillee served as guardians of pan-Oromo culture and unity. (Gemechu & Kassam 2005).  (Chronology extrapolated from Gadaa power transfer cycles of 8 years and 40 years; and 9×40= 360 years and Oba-Smidt’s date for Boorana Gadaa renewal date of c 1456).  Dr. Fikre’s sources referred to the mythical Menilek I massacring and expelling the Madabay/Maadillee to east Africa and identified them with the Aba Suba in Kenya and Uganda today. The Maadille probably formed part of the Oromo speaking Bantu groups in east Africa before the fifteenth century Orma arrival. Their presence is marked by Oromo technical terms about marriage, iron works etc. The Madibe, Madabay/Matite/Maadillee existed historically; but the Suba alphabet and their rare books have yet to be authenticated.

Finally four remarks to conclude this review. First, Dr. Fikre suggests Wikipedia as a reliable source of information. Wikipedia is not a dependable source; it is a nest for half-truths, quarter-truths, and sometimes an outright misinformation. Second, Dr. Fikre’s sources suggest the presence of Geez documents to elaborate more on Oromo-Amhara relatedness and long relationship. Three, the Oromo were known in primary sources with their sectional names such as Galaan, Marsoo, Azabo, Warra Qaallu, Arsii, Karayyuu etc, and researchers should look for such names not a later name. This is a universal historical truth. Abba Bahriy’s assigned a pejorative nomenclature relatively recently for political purpose. Fourth, for those who disregard Dr. Mohammed Hassen’s latest book, The Oromo and the Christian Kingdom… 1300-1700, and Tabor Wami’s Yewugana Dersatochna Yetarik Ewenatoch, there are two scientific findings about Oromo ancestors from disinterested researchers. First, genetic research traced Oromo ancestors to a group that inhabited the present day region some sixty thousand years ago when few Africans first migrated to all continents. Second, twenty thousand years ago when the global climate changed and Africans gathered in the Nile Valley and then wet Sahara, these Oromo ancestors moved to southern Egypt and left a genetic material there which subsequently spread to Europe. This same gene is also discovered in the Boorana mirroring their return trip. These scientific findings confirmed an ancient Oromo saying about their present homeland: the Waataa are the first, the Oromo the second in the region. The Waataa or Twa /San were the first Africans trekking out of eastern Africa to populate the globe. Dr. Fikre’s Geez sources point us in the right direction suggesting the importance of additional Geez primary sources for the shared heritage in antiquity and for a new history. Although Dr. Fikre does not tell us enough about his sources and their provenance, but the book should not be dismissed out of hand.This book will remain around and probably inspire similar topics.

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HRLHA  Press Release

60 Evil Days In Oromia:  Two Months of Everyday Murders, Tortures, Abductions, and imprisonments under the State of Emergency in Ethiopia 

December 11, 2016

The TPLF/EPRDF’s  hidden agenda, under a democratic facade  in the past quarter century, has been challenged  by Oromo youth for freedom against subjugation “Qeerro Bilisuma” ever since March 2014. The Oromo youth for freedom against subjugation has been  supported by Oromos from all walks of  life; the cause was reignited in November 2015 up until the TPLF/EPRDF declared the State of Emergency on October 8, 2016.

Since  the State of Emergency was declared, human rights violations in Oromia have intensified on a daily basis, specifically targeting Oromo youths and elites. In the past  sixty days  since the State of Emergency  was declared,  several  Oromo youths, students of universities, colleges and high schools  were targeted and oppressed. The HRLHA monitored the TPLF/EPRDF atrocities against humanity through its reporters and will continue to share them with the world.

According to these reports, the TPLF/EPRDF government killing squad Agazi force has committed all sorts of human rights violations, including  killings, rapes,  abducting and  detaining of Oromos on a daily basis.

Among the eight students who were abducted from  Wollaga University in Nekemt Town in the first week of December 2016 are Sabona Chalshisa (4^th year Civil Engineering) , Keraji Motima (2^nd year Civil Engineering), and Nabuli Misgana Workneh (2^nd year Accounting)  from Rift Valley University. In the same way, an economics teacher Abebe Angassa was abducted from Hibrest school in the Tulu Bollo District, South West Showa Zone on December 1, 2016.

The HRLHA also received from its informants in south Oromia, Bale zone, in Adabba district, Gadedo community and Daraba Town information that a  number of  Oromo youths and elites  had been picked  up  on December 6, 2016 at  night and had been taken to  an unknown destination

The following are among the many Oromos in Adabba district who have been abducted by TPLF forces

In the same month-December 2016- over 53 Oromos were taken from the southern Oromia Guji Zone, Saba Boru district. Their names are below:

The TPLF/EPRDF has turned Oromia Regional State into a state of mourning every day. Citizens are crying, no one appears to be helping, even though the world community is aware of what is happening.  The world community  is in a state of silence and is refusing  to take concrete actions  to stop the crimes against humanity taking place in the country. How many people have to be murdered before there is an intervention?

The HRLHA again expresses its deep concerns and calls on the world community to show solidarity with the Oromo  people by taking concrete action against the TPLF/EPRDF dictatorial government.

Background:

Under remembering from the past, the HRLHA highlights  the human rights violations reported by HRLHA and other human rights organizations against Oromo youths  in the past ten years which continue to the present.

The TPLF/EPRDF  government has  targeted Oromo youth since  the Oromo youth  peaceful revolt against subjugation started in Oromia in 2005.  The following is a summary of  Oromo students  killed,  imprisoned, and disappeared  by TPLF/EPRDF security forces  in different universities in school year 2007

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• European Union
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  Street address: Rosenbad 4
  Postal address: SE 103 33 Stockhol

• Minister of Foreign Affairs (Normway)
  His Excellency BørgeBrende
  Ministry of Foreign Affairs
  E-mail: post@mfa.no
  Phone: + 47 23 95 00 00
  Address: 7. juniplassen

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December 11, 2016: Olympic silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa finished fourth in his first debut after Rio Olympic protest. He clocked 2:15:57 in today’s Honolulu marathon. Feyisa walked the last 100 meters with his famous hands in ‘X’ in silent protest.  His compatriot Deribe Roba finished third clocking 2:13:43. The official result is below.

Men
1. Lawrence Cherono – 2:09:39 – RECORD
2. Wilson Chebet – 2:10:50 – RECORD
3. Deribe Roba – 2:13:43
4. Feyisa Lelisa – 2:15:57
5. Tatsuya Itagaki – 2:19:24

Women
1. Brigid Kosgei – 2:31:11
2. Lindsey Scherf – 2:34:05
3. Buzunesh Deba – 2:35:34
4. Yingying Zhang – 2:38:40

Wheelchair race
1. Masazumi Soejima – 1:35:35
2. Kazuhiko Shimada – 1:45:11
3. Wakako Tsuchida – 1:50:42

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