Land Rights: On average nearly 16 farmers, indigenous people and land rights advocates were killed every month, says rights group

Demonstrators chant slogans while flashing the Oromo protest gesture during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia, October 2, 2016. REUTERS/ Tiksa Negeri/ File Photo

By Rina Chandran

MUMBAI, Dec 12 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – The battle over land and resources turned bloodier in the past year with treble the number of land rights defenders killed, according to a human rights group that fears the violence will get even worse.

An average of nearly 16 farmers, indigenous people and advocates of land rights were killed every month through November worldwide, or three times the average in 2015, according to advocacy group PAN Asia Pacific (PANAP).

From January to end-November, 171 people were killed in relation to land rights, PANAP’s data showed.

At least 118 were detained through November, compared with 82 last year, as conflicts with rural communities and indigenous people intensified.

“People’s collective rights to own or control their land and resources for livelihood and cultural needs are wantonly being violated by corporations and governments,” Sarojeni Rengam, PANAP’s executive director, said in a statement.

“The sharp rise in the number of killings and the overall increase in human rights atrocities against poor rural communities embroiled in land conflicts underscores the impunity with which these killings and brutalities are being committed.”

In the fight for land and the environment – which UK-based watchdog Global Witness calls “a new battleground for human rights” – communities are locked in deadly struggles against governments, companies and criminal gangs exploiting land for products including timber, minerals and palm oil.

Global Witness documented 185 murders in 16 countries last year, or more than three people a week being killed defending land, forests and rivers in the deadliest year on record.

In Asia, the Philippines, Indonesia and Cambodia saw the most number of victims, while in Latin America, it was in Honduras, Bolivia and Peru, PANAP data showed.

In Africa, the countries most affected were Ethiopia, Kenya and Sierra Leone, it said.

Conflicts between rural communities and governments and corporations will intensify further, hurting and massively displacing farmers and indigenous people, according to PANAP.

Massive infrastructure projects in China, and its hunger for resources are leading to the displacement of rural communities, both within the country and in the region, PANAP said.

Harassment and killing of land rights defenders in India are also on the rise, as land is increasingly sought for industrial use in the world’s fastest growing major economy.

In Brazil, more than 20 land rights activists were killed as of August this year, according to watchdog the Pastoral Land Commission.

But communities are fighting back, staging protests, stalling projects and seeking legal recourse.

In Cambodia, for example, a group of farmers is at the centre of a landmark legal case that could change the way global corporations manage large-scale land acquisitions.

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Ethiopia’s Olympic protest athlete, Feyisa Lilesa, listed in FP’s 2016 Top 100 global thinkers

By Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with FP

RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL – AUGUST 21: Feyisa Lilesa of Ethiopia celebrates as he crosses the line to win silver during the Men’s Marathon on Day 16 of the Rio 2016 Olympic Games at Sambodromo on August 21, 2016 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. (Photo by Buda Mendes/Getty Images)

(africanews) — Ethiopia’s Olympic athlete, Feyisa Lilesa, has been named among the 2016 top 100 global thinkers by the US based Foreign Policy (FP) magazine. Feyisa was classed in the group of thinkers called ‘‘the challengers.’‘

The long distance athlete became famous during the just ended Rio Olympic games after he made an anti-government gesture at the end of his track event. He crossed his arms above his head as he finished the event as a protest against the Ethiopian government’s crackdown on political dissent.

He won the silver medal in the men’s marathon after finishing the 42 kilometer race. He later claimed that his life was in danger. He sought for asylum in the United States and has been living there since leaving Rio.

Under the title, ‘‘For breaking the rules of the games,’‘ FP wrote about Feyisa: ‘‘Given the fact that the Olympic Charter bans political propaganda, demonstrations are a rarity at the games. Nevertheless, Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa snubbed the rulebook in order to call attention to the brutal actions of his country’s security forces.

‘‘As the marathoner approached the finish line in second place, he crossed his arms over his head—an attention-grabbing gesture to show solidarity with his Oromo tribe. In the weeks before the race, the Ethiopian government had cracked down on protests by the embattled indigenous group and killed dozens.

They went on to quote him in an interview with AP news agency as saying, “If I would’ve taken my medal and went back to Ethiopia, that would’ve been the biggest regret of my life.” Adding further that “I wanted to be a voice for a story that wasn’t getting any coverage.”

Feyisa like the twelve others listed in his category were recognized for challenging the status quo in order to put their views across. ‘‘These individuals showed that agitation takes myriad forms,’‘ the FP said.

Aside Feyisa, another African was listed in the same category. Pastor Evan Mawarire of Zimbabwe who championed the #ThisFlag protests through the use of social media platform, Twitter. The FP listed him ‘‘For initiating a democratic movement.’‘

The challengers

(Foreign Policy) — Like a coat of many colors, these individuals showed that agitation takes myriad forms. A runner broke Olympic protocol to stage a solo protest. A bureaucrat searched for solutions to religious radicalization in France’s prisons. In Saudi Arabia, a woman registered to run for office; in the Philippines, a transgender woman won an election. If starting a political party premised on self-determination in Hong Kong is daring, and facing down a homophobic Catholic cardinal is brave, then kindling a nationwide movement against Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe with a Facebook video is downright revolutionary.

LEILA DE LIMA SENATOR/PHILIPPINES For standing up to an extremist leader.	ALEXANDER BETTS AND PAUL COLLIER PROFESSORS/UNITED KINGDOM For zoning Syrian dignity.
GERALDINE ROMAN CONGRESSWOMAN/PHILIPPINES For redefining fitness to govern.	NATHAN LAW LEGISLATIVE COUNCILMEMBER/HONG KONG For holding umbrellas aloft.
HAIFA AL-HABABI ARCHITECT/SAUDI ARABIA For seizing suffrage.	FEYISA LILESA OLYMPIC RUNNER/ETHIOPIA For breaking the rules of the games.
JAMES BREWSTER; DEIVIS VENTURA U.S. AMBASSADOR; ACTIVIST/DOMINICAN REPUBLIC For mainstreaming LGBT culture.	COLETTE DEVLIN, DIANA KING, AND KITTY O’KANE ACTIVISTS/UNITED KINGDOM For committing a righteous crime.
JESSE MORTON RESEARCHER/WASHINGTON, D.C. For doing good by knowing evil.	AGNIESZKA DZIEMIANOWICZ-BAK AND BARBARA NOWACKA POLITICIANS/POLAND For humbling Warsaw.
EVAN MAWARIRE PASTOR/ZIMBABWE For initiating a democratic movement.	EDIT SCHLAFFER FOUNDER, WOMEN WITHOUT BORDERS/AUSTRIA For betting on maternal instincts.
GÉRALDINE BLIN PROJECT DIRECTOR, FRENCH PENITENTIARY ADMINISTRATION/FRANCE For seeking peace in prisons.

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Gada: Do Ethiopia’s Oromo People Have A Better Alternative For Modern Democracy?

Gada is the traditional governance system of Oromos in Ethiopia and Northern Kenya.

Ethiopia’s Oromo people made headlines around the world when peaceful protests turned violent against government land use changes, prompting a state of emergency.

Now Oromo voices are being heard thanks to an entity more often associated with boosting tourism than governance — UNESCO.

Ethiopians rejoiced when the traditional Oromo governance system, known as Gada, was inscribed on UNESCO’s list of intangible cultural heritage of humanity. The announcement was made during the 11th session of UNESCO’s Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, held in Ethiopia.

UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, is a special agency of the U.N. created to build the defenses of peace in the minds of men.

Built over generations, the traditional Oromo Gada governance system contains regulatory measures for conflict resolution, questions of religion and women’s rights.

“In contrast to the modus operandi employed by the current, authoritarian government, the Gada form of governance contains provisions guaranteeing an effective system of ‘checks and balances,’ the separation of powers and an institutionalized opposition – all of which provides safeguards against totalitarianism and a governmental abuse of power,” according to the U.N.

When UNESCO announced it was listing the Gada system as an intangible cultural heritage, Ethiopians rejoiced, the Ethiopian Herald reported. Sara Dubee, head of the West Arsi Culture and Tourism Office, said the Oromo people have been subjected to marginalization and subjugation during the former regimes. “The day is special to me and the people of Oromo. The day is a most awaited one in the history of Oromo. Oromo people have paid all the sacrifice to see the day.”

Gada has some features that differ from western democracies, according to Waltainfo. One is the distribution of power. Researchers say western democracies are deficient in distributing power. Those in power control most of the authority and wealth of the country. The young, poor and the elders are politically and economically marginalized in Western democracies.

The Oromo make up about 35 percent of Ethiopia’s population, which now exceeds 102 million, according to Worldometers.

Ethiopia already has eight cultural and one natural site designated as UNESCO World Heritage Sites — the most of any African country. Morocco has the second highest.

The Gada system developed from knowledge gained by community experience over generations, UNESCO wrote on its website, according to Waltoinfo.com. Gada is practiced in Northern Kenya as well as Ethiopia.

The system serves as a mechanism for enforcing moral conduct, building social cohesion, and expressing forms of community culture.

In addition to distribution of power, another distinctive Gada feature that sets it apart from Western democracy is a testing period for elected leaders. Researchers say Gada believes in rigorous practical testing of candidates before they assume office, unlike western democracy, which relies almost exclusively on election.

Even though the Gada system is considered an intangible heritage, Ethiopians say the UNESCO designation will stimulate tourism.

“The Oromo people have sustained their authenticity for so long. We believe the values attached to the Gada system deserve to be safeguarded, nurtured, shared and spread across the world,” said Hirut Woldemariam, culture and tourism minster, Ethiopian Herald reported.

People can learn from the system, said Lemma Megerssa, Oromia state chief. “The adoption would increase our responsibility of safeguarding and promoting the convention, the system would be a center of tourist attraction.”

Oromo artist Mohammed Tawil said, “Our forefathers should be honored for their priceless endeavors in handing over the culture and identity of the system.”

“The Gada System is the true manifestation of the identity of the Oromo people,” Oromo artist Tadele Gemechu told the Ethioian Herald. “We should preserve it. UNESCO’s inscription could overturn the business-as-usual way of handing the values of the heritage. The government and research institutions should look ways how to bolster and promote the assets of (gada) system.”

The Oromo people have suffered a lot, said Atsede Kadire. “The Oromos have original and unique heritages that could take into account the whole form of life. The Gada system is one of the heritages that binds all. Gada system could be one of the bases for modern democracy.”

The UNESCO designation is a milestone and “a huge step to beef up our tourism industry because the world will come to learn about the Gada system from the community,” Kadire told Ethiopian Herald.

Ethiopia’s UNESCO World Heritage Sites and dates of designation include the following:

• Aksum (1980)
• Fasil Ghebbi, Gondar Region (1979)
• Harar Jugol, the Fortified Historic Town (2006
• Konso Cultural Landscape (2011)
• Lower Valley of the Awash (1980)
• Lower Valley of the Omo (1980)
• Rock-Hewn Churches, Lalibela (1978)
• Tiya (1980)
• Simien National Park (1978)

Here’s what UNESCO had to say about the Gada system, according to Waltoinfo.com:

Gada is organized into five classes with one of these functioning as the ruling class consisting of a chairperson, officials and an assembly. Each class progresses through a series of grades before it can function in authority with the leadership changing on a rotational basis every eight years.

Class membership is open to men, whose fathers are already members, while women are consulted for decision-making on protecting women’s rights. The classes are taught by oral historians covering history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the function of the Gada system.

Meetings and ceremonies take place under a sycamore tree (considered the Gada symbol) while major clans have established Gada centers and ceremonial spaces according to territory. Knowledge about the Gada system is transmitted to children in the home and at school.

Various sources indicated that the Gada system has the principles of checks and balances (through periodic succession of every eight years), and division of power (among executive, legislative, and judicial branches), balanced opposition (among five parties), and power sharing between higher and lower administrative organs to prevent power from falling into the hands of despots. Other principles of the system include balanced representation of all clans, lineages, regions and confederacies, accountability of leaders, the settlement of disputes through reconciliation, and the respect for basic rights and liberties.

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Higher Education and Ethiopia’s State of Emergency

By Ayenachew Woldegiyorgis

(Inside Higher Ed) — For a year now, Ethiopia has confronted protests in Oromia, the largest regional state. The protest started in opposition to the expansion plan of the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia towns and villages. Then the protest engaged the second largest regional state, Amhara, contributing to further political tensions.

Following a stampede that took place during the celebration of thanksgiving by the Oromo people on October 2nd that left dozens of people dead, the protest intensified. The country descended into turmoil it has not seen in over a decade. On October 9th, the government of Ethiopia declared a six-month state of emergency that imposed restrictions on a wide array of rights while granting the prime minister a sweeping power.

The detailed directive for the execution of the state of emergency contained 31 articles. Three of the 31 articles refer to education institutions. Article 5 prohibits “conducting strikes that disturb the learning and teaching process, shutting down educational institutions or causing damage to these institutions”. Article 28 gives unprecedented authority to law enforcement officers, to detain and conduct search and seizure without a court warrant, and monitor and restrict any communication (radio, television, writings, images, photograph, theater and film). Sub-article 7 specifically grants power to legal officers to take measures against students and employees who participate in the disturbance of academic institutions; and to order the institutions themselves to take administrative measures. Finally, Article 30 states that, as for other private and government institutions, law enforcement “may enter schools, universities, [or] other higher education institutions, and take necessary measures to stop disturbances and detain the persons involved”.

These provisions underscore the current gloomy environment of Ethiopian higher education. Ethiopian higher education institutions have been a hotbed of protest and resistance to political power since the 1960s. Therefore, the relationship between universities and government has always been a precarious one.

Since 2014, university students have been very active in the Oromo protest. In many public universities on-campus demonstrations, sit-ins, boycotts of cafeteria services, and so on have been held, to which government forces responded by arresting students involved in the protest and taking administrative measures against them. One month into the state of emergency, the state media announced that 11,607 people had been arrested. Though details are not officially available, anyone who is familiar with Ethiopian politics can guess that a sizable number would be from the universities.

The declaration of the state of emergency has a direct and serious impact on higher education institutions and their operation. Some of the adversary effects may be immediate and last only during the state of emergency while most will be, unfortunately, long lasting.

University administrators, leaders, student representatives, leaders of academic units and even faculty are likely to be intensely engaged in ad-hoc structures and activities focused on security matters. The bureaucratic and academic structure within the universities would be largely dominated by this parallel political structure. Key resources and the attention of top management would be directed toward the political agenda instead of pursuing strategic institutional goals. In addition to the clear misuse of public resources, this could wipe out the momentum that was slowly building up in some universities towards improvement.

One of the measures taken by the government since the declaration of the state of emergency is restricted access to the internet.  While the teaching-learning process in an Ethiopian university does not typically depend on online resources, this could affect partnership projects, scientific collaborations, research fieldwork, etc. In recent years many of the major universities have demonstrated a growing commitment to research, often conducted in partnership with universities abroad. However, this state of emergency may not only disrupt current work, but also cause potential partners to hesitate to engage in future collaborations.

The ever-fragile academic freedom is the most obvious victim of these measures. The command post is endowed with the authority to monitor and restrict any form of communication. It also has the power to respond as it sees fit on any act of “incitement and communication that causes public disturbance and riots”. Though the obvious goal of this restriction is to control the circulation of inflammatory messages, it is not clear what counts as causing public disturbance. In the polarized political environment of Ethiopian public higher education, it is not uncommon for faculty to be censored by their students in the classroom, by the administration or by their own peers. Further, this contributes to the “with-us-or-against-us” sort of mentality and incentivizes some individuals to seize the opportunity to gain power by showing political loyalty, consequently causing damage to collegial relationships and civil dialog. Under these circumstances, academic freedom, close to non-existent even in good times, is now in serious jeopardy.

This scenario could contribute to the already severe problem of brain drain. Given the circumstances, those who have the chance— particularly the younger university teachers— would try harder to leave the country, while those already abroad are less likely to return home. The long term impact of increasing brain drain is immeasurable.

Different countries have issued travel warnings to Ethiopia. Though the government offered assurance that tourists can freely travel to any part of the country, several tour operators in different countries are reported to have canceled trips to Ethiopia. This also affects the in-bound mobility of international students. Although there is no official data in this regard, there has been a discernable growth, in recent years, in the number of students and faculty, particularly from Europe, doing short term visits to Ethiopian universities. The image and conditions generated by the state of emergency are going to affect the attractiveness of the country as a destination for mobile students and scholars for years to come.

Further, the aftermath of the state of emergency will likely impact the academic calendar and scheduling, the assignment of new students to the different universities (in line with their ethnic backgrounds and the regions they would go to), the nature and extent of extracurricular activities, and the space for engagement in critical thinking and constructive dialog.

This situation allows for abuse of power—emotional and physical harassment are likely to prevail. Learning requires a peaceful environment. With the current militarization of the university and the prevailing tension, serious learning is very unlikely to happen. This is a big set back to the pale glimpse of hope that Ethiopian higher education was beginning to see.

Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis is a graduate assistant and a doctoral student at the Center for International Higher Education at Boston College.

Related: 

How TPLF/EPRDF Killed Higher Education in Ethiopia?

By Alem Mamo, November 11, 2016

TPLF/EPRDF’s major bragging source over the last number of years has been its ‘achievements’ in the education sector, particularly in university education. The ruling group constantly brandishes its statics about the ‘expansion’ of higher learning in Ethiopia. What is not included in the fraudulent statistics is the obliteration of quality and depth of teaching and learning in these so-called ‘universities.’ As we have seen in most of the TPLF/EPRDF failed and corrupt policies the establishment of these so called ‘universities’ is nothing more than a construction contract to its own business conglomerates and university administration appointment to its loyal cadres.

The higher learning landscape in Ethiopia under TPLF/EPRDF suffers from four acute problems. First, there is a chronic lack of academic freedom and autonomy, which is an essential component for any university to discharge its responsibilities. Second, there is an absence of qualified and competent instructor and mentors. Third is the almost non-existent nature of 21st century tools, such Internet communication, and finally there is the occupation and control of higher learning institutions by uneducated TPLF/EPRDF cadres. These key factors, coupled with the overall social, economic, and political problems, continue to plague the country’s higher learning landscape equating to a level similar to the mass wedding ceremonies orchestrated by a religious group lead by a self-proclaimed messiah, such as Reverend Sun Myung Moon

In fact the assault on higher learning began in 1993 when TPLF/EPRDF fired 42 seasoned academics from Addis Ababa University and replaced them with its loyal cadres. Ever since then the ruling group has continued to destroy higher learning under the guise of ‘expanding’ education. Universities and educational institutions in general are places where students are taught how to think, instead of what to think. Furthermore, universities are places in which curious learners are provided with the tools and the support to conduct research that has practical values in the social, economic, and political life of the society. Instead, the regime has built political re-education camps where political cadres have the final word on the academic, social, and administrative life of an institution.

Indeed merit and qualification has never been TPLF/EPRDF’s s strong suit. Starting from senior cabinet positions to all the way to the lowest level of the administrative body they have appointed their cadres to run the country, and, quite frankly, the regime is not going to treat universities in any different way.

‘Massification’ of higher learning in Ethiopia, preferring quantity of graduates to quality, has reached a critical stage, and it is becoming very problematic to use the term ‘university’ to describe these diploma mills. In TPLF/EPRDF’s Ethiopia every institution is forced to be subordinate to the twisted ideology of the regime. The first and foremost pillar of a university anywhere in the world is autonomy and academic freedom. These two elements are the oxygen of a free learning and teaching environment. Contrary to this the ruling group maintains full control over these institutions depriving them the oxygen of freedom they desperately need to breath and function freely.

Maintaining its well-established destructive role TPLF/EPRDF is moulding higher learning institutions in its own image, and the image is not pretty. Infused with ugly and hate filled propaganda, the image of these so-called universities looks like this: (a) all of these institutions must maintain perceived or real ethnic polarization and tension;

(b) These institution must serve to promote TPLF/EPRDF’s divisive agenda; (c) all ‘university’ senior management, including presidents, must be members of the TPLF or TPLF manufactured political organizations; (d) critical thinking and questioning the prevailing orthodoxy equals terrorism; and (e) university campus informants are part and parcel of the security and surveillance structure of the regime.

The overall decline of the quality of higher learning in Ethiopia is evident in the African and world university rankings. Currently, according to the African Economist University Rankings, only one university out of 35 so-called universities in Ethiopia appears on the ranking chart. The rest are nowhere to be seen on any of university rankings.

We have come to be accustomed with TPLF/EPRDF lies, such us tyranny is democracy, repression is freedom, concentration of wealth in the hands of its inner circle is economic growth and development. The most tragic one is their political re-education camp ‘universities’.

Finally, one cannot understand the sad state of higher education in Ethiopia without understanding TPLF/EPRDF’s distractive political and economic agenda. Ultimately, these daunting challenges are intertwined and interconnected, therefore they only can find a solution when the fundamentals of the governance parameters are addressed. Freedom, justice, and democratic accountability are the only solution. In the meantime, those who are enrolled in these institutions should continue to demand better quality as part of their struggle for a free, just, and democratic society.

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Fascinating discussion (in Afaan Oromo) about Gadaa system by Kenyan Oromos via STN KENYA

EMUU GIRMA Borana **OROMO MUSIC**

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Human Rights Groups: Ethiopia Blocks Social Media, News Sites

By ELIAS MESERET

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (ABC News) — Ethiopia’s government illegally blocked social media and news websites during the months of turmoil that led to the country’s ongoing state of emergency, a new report says.

The report by Amnesty International and the Open Observatory of Network Interference also found “systematic interference” with access to political opposition sites and ones supporting freedom of expression and gay rights.

“This raises serious concerns that overly broad censorship will become institutionalized under the state of emergency,” said Michelle Kagari, an Amnesty International deputy regional director. The report says access to WhatsApp and at least 16 news sites was blocked.

Human rights groups and opposition activists have said hundreds have been killed in waves of anti-government protests that began in November 2015, demanding wider freedoms in one of Africa’s best-performing economies and a close U.S. security ally.

Ethiopia’s government declared a state of emergency in October after dozens were killed in a stampede when police tried to disperse protesters at a religious festival. It set to end in April.

The government dismissed the new report as “one-sided, not credible and baseless.”

“There is no internet blackout in Ethiopia,” deputy spokesman Mohammed Seid told The Associated Press, though internet services have been widely affected since early October. “What we have is a certain obstruction on mobile data services. It will be resolved very soon.”

However, a former government spokesman, Getachew Reda, acknowledged the existence of a blackout and said it will be restored “as soon as it no more threatens the proper implementation of the state of emergency.”

Many in Ethiopia are using virtual private networks, or VPNs, to access social media after mobile data was partially restored 10 days ago.

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In less than two weeks after UNESCO inscribed the Oromo Gadaa, the regime in Ethiopia arrested Dr.  Teferi Nugussie, a key scholar who is behind the required works for the registration. This arrest is tantamount to a silent declaration of war to wipe out the Oromo intellectuals and known figures. The arrest of Dr. Nugussie is also a challenge to the UNESCO administration and dignity. Two weeks ago, another Oromo prominent figure, Dr. Merera Gudidna,  was arrested for fulfilling the invitation of European Parliament.  It has to be remembered also that, Mr. Bekele Gerba, still languishing in the TPLF prison, was arrested for meeting with Amnesty International workers.

It is time for the world to wake up and work against the looming human genocide and tragedy in that country.  How many more should die or disappear to call it genocide?

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EU parliament writes to Ethiopian president over detained Oromo leader

(Africanews) — The EU parliament has officially written to the Ethiopian government seeking clarification on the arrest of an opposition leader, Dr. Merera Gudina.

The EP President, Martin Schulz, in a letter to President Mulatu Teshome said they were disturbed about the arrest of the Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) leader. The EU parliament also reiterated its call for the charges against Gudina to be made known.

‘‘It appears that Dr Gudina was arrested by Ethiopian authorities upon his return from a short stay in Brussels in early November, during which he also met with Members of the EU Parliament,’‘ the letter read.

I would like to remind you, that the EU Parliament is a House of democracy, where different voices can be heard, from foreign governments as well as representatives of opposition groups.

The letter stated that the Ethiopian ambassador in Brussels had said the Gudina’s detention was connected with contacts he had with individuals Addis Ababa deemed as ‘terrorists.’ It added that it was ‘rather unfortunate that his arrest is linked to meetings he had with the EU parliament.

‘‘I would like to remind you, that the EU Parliament is a House of democracy, where different voices can be heard, from foreign governments as well as representatives of opposition groups,’‘ the letter added.

Late last month, Ethiopian security forces arrested the academician who is the chairman of the OFC, shortly after his arrival in the capital Addis Ababa.

Prof. Merera was returning from Brussels where – together with other Ethiopian activists and the Olympian athlete Feyisa Lellisa – he had had a meeting with Members of the EU Parliament on 9 November 2016.

Arrested for flouting curfew rules

Letter of #EP President @MartinSchulz to #Ethiopia asking abt charges against Dr.Merera Gudina #FreeMerera pic.twitter.com/kLVzwKgalO

— (((Ana Gomes, MEP))) (@AnaGomesMEP) December 15, 2016

The state-affiliated FANA broadcasting corporate however quoted authorities as saying that Gudina was arrested because he had flouted the State Of Emergency currently being enforced nationwide.

According to FANA, the Secretariat of the Command Post said Gudina violated an article of the law which prohibited any communication with banned terrorist organizations and anti-peace groups. “He is under investigation for violating this article,” the Command Post said.

The EU Parliament adopted an urgency resolution on the violent crackdown on protesters in January 2016, which requested that the Ethiopian authorities stop using anti-terrorism legislation to repress political opponents, dissidents, human rights defenders, other civil society actors and independent journalists.

Since January 2016 the human rights situation in Ethiopia has not improved at all. Human Rights Watch reports that security forces have killed more than 500 people during protests over the course of 2016.

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FIRST PERSON: Wario Denebo, an asylum seeker living in Newport

(South Wales Argus) — WARIO Denebo, 37, Southern Oromia, in East Africa, talks to ESTEL FARELL-ROIG about his life and how he ended up being an asylum seeker living in Newport.

“I AM FROM Shashemene, in Southern Oromia. Because the country has been controlled by Ethiopia since the early 1900s, people tend to say it’s Ethiopia – but I wouldn’t like to identified as Ethiopian.

“Oromia was invaded by the Ethiopian emperors with the help of firearms provided by the European colonial establishment of the day in 1884. The process was completed in the early 1900s.

“Ever since then, there has been a fight for freedom and the Ethiopian government has been persecuting Oromo people.

“It’s a dictatorial, terrorist regime where dissent is not tolerated and there’s no freedom of speech.

“I stood against that and, as a result, I received threats from the regime.

“I was involved in exposing human rights violations as the Ethiopian regime uses mass arrests and mass killings as well as torture and deliberate starvation to punish people.

“The thing is, if you are Oromo, you need to prove to the Government that you don’t support the Oromo Liberation Front, which is an opposition party.

“The only way you can prove is by signing up for membership of the ruling party. So, if you don’t sign up, even if you are not involved with the Oromo Liberation Front, you appear to be a traitor. They accuse you of whatever to force you to submit.

“Before I fled the country, I had been to jail.

“The first time I was in jail was in 1996 – I don’t even know what charges were held against me, I was so young.

“The soldiers came to my house and arrested me. I was kept in prison for about three months.

“Later, in 2001, when I was about 19 and I was in college studying history education, I was arrested again.

“There were student protests demanding freedom of speech and release of political prisoners. I was part of that and I was arrested.

“I was kept for six months. I can’t go into detail because it’s a horrible story. There was torture and dehumanising treatment.

“When I was there, they beat me – which made me angrier. I was finally released, with no charges against me.

“Despite graduating with top grades, I was banned from working at schools. They said I’d spoil the children as I wouldn’t agree to teach what they wanted.

“I managed to get a job in a non-governmental school. However, I was also banned from working there.

“When I was about 23, I was offered another job at a charity, I worked for them for many years and I enjoyed it.

“I worked on promoting human rights, amongst others, but because of my job, I was put under government surveillance.

“So I changed jobs and started to work for an international organisation, hoping my situation would get better.

“I had to re-train and went back to university to study management and business administration.

“I worked for NGOs, which was really great for me. It was eye-opening.

“I was about 33 when I first started working for international NGOs.

“Nevertheless, even those people working for international NGOs, can be persecuted by the government – which is what happened to me.

“The week I fled the country, about four years ago, I got tipped off by some people who have access to security that my name was on the list of people who are due to be arrested.

“My closest friend who had been working for Oxfam had recently been arrested.

“His office was raided and he was sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. He was accused of supporting opposition parties.

“I don’t know whether he’s alive, I haven’t managed to keep in touch with him.

“One month before I fled the country, I came to the UK for work so I had a visa. It was still tough to arrange to get out of the country.

“I couldn’t take my family with me.

“I claimed asylum in London nearly four years ago now. It wasn’t my choice to come to Newport.

“When you claim asylum, the Home Office decides where you get accommodation.

“In January 2013, I was sent to Newport while my application was being processed. I wasn’t allowed to work and I had to live on £35 a week.

“It usually takes a few months to process your asylum application, but mine took a long time. I applied for asylum in November 2012 and my application was resolved in July 2014.

“I left my wife and my son behind. He was two-and-a-half years old at the time. It was really painful, it’s indescribable.

“I wasn’t allowed to work when I was capable of doing so and I tried to keep myself busy. If I sat down, I worried. I already spoke English as I did all my studies in English but I also wanted to learn about the culture.

“I volunteered for British Red Cross and other organisations that work with refugees and vulnerable people.

“I also volunteered with my church.

“The most difficult aspect of it all was separation from my family. “For me, the entire clan is my family.

“I still miss them and I hope one day things will change and this terrorist regime will go.

“I’m faithful things will change.

“My wife and my little boy joined me in March 2015, I was on my own for a long time.

“At the moment, I feel sad because the situation back home is getting worse. The regime has now declared state of emergency and, for instance, you can’t use Facebook or listen to international media outlets.

“My dad was abducted by the regime at the beginning of May this year and he’s being kept in a high security prison.

“We didn’t know where he was for a few weeks. He’s still there – only because he’s Oromo and he stood for justice. He has spent most of life going in and out prison.

“A few weeks later, my little 18-year-old sister posted on Facebook ‘I miss you, I love you – you’re my hero.’

“The next day, around 40 heavily armed soldiers raided my parents’ house.

“My mum asked them what they want and whether they had a court order. Before she finished the sentence, they beat her.

“This is reflective of the situation, they’ve killed tens of thousands of people over the years.

“I’m a person with mixed emotions. In a way, I’m lucky to be here. “What makes me happy is that I’m safe and that I feel at home in Newport.

“I like the people here and I love my church. I feel like God has given me a family away from my family.

“I’m living in a free country and can say anything I like.

“I now have a job and I work for Bethel Community Church part time as a development officer. I also work as a freelance interpreter and translator.”

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U.S. and Ethiopia Hold 7th Democracy, Governance and Human Rights Bilateral Working Group in Addis Ababa

Joint Press Release

On December 15, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Tom Malinowski, and Ethiopian Foreign Minister Workneh Gebeyehu joined co-chairs State Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Hirut Zemeneand the U.S. Chargé d’Affaires to Ethiopia, Peter Vrooman, for the 7th Bilateral Democracy, Governance and Human Rights Working Group.  The Working Group provides an opportunity for representatives of the U.S. government and the government of Ethiopia to discuss frankly the full range of governance and human rights issues.

The discussion at this Working Group addressed a broad range of issues, including the Ethiopian government’s commitment to pursue electoral reform, as stated by HE. Dr. Mulatu Teshome, President of the FDRE, respect for constitutional rights and obligations and prospects for dialogue under the state of emergency, the need to support a strong and vibrant media, ways to counter hate speech while respecting basic freedoms, the important role of civil society in strengthening good governance, and the annual U.S. Human Rights Report.

Both sides welcomed the frank exchange of views during the discussion.

At the conclusion of the meeting, the two governments agreed to continue regularly the Working Group meetings.

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Ethiopia: Lawyer for Dr. Merara Gudina arrested

ESAT News (December 16, 2016)

Security forces detained a lawyer for Dr. Merara Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, who is held in solitary confinement.

Taba Chufa, a lawyer for several political prisoners, was jailed in Ambo, the Chair of OFC’s International Support Coordinator, Negeso Ada told ESAT on Friday. Ada said Chufa represents at least 300 political prisoners.

Dr. Gudina was put behind bars upon his return from Europe where he  testified against government’s repression at the European Parliament.

His other lawyer, Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, who met his client briefly told  reporters that Gudina, who was brought to him handcuffed, was held in solitary confinement. He said his client still doesn’t know his charges.

A member of the European Parliament on Wednesday addressed his case and called for the European Union to end its complicity with the Ethiopian regime that kills peaceful protesters and jails journalists and political opponents.

Mrs. Ana Gomes said the regime call political opponents “terrorists” while it is the real “terrorist.”

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This is a message to the Ethiopian government. Why I made this vid? Read the stories of survivors of human rights abuses on Untold Stories: http://www.untoldstoriesonline.com/

Befeqadu Hailu Prominent Zone 9 blogger

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The Network of Oromo Studies 1st International Conference London 17 – 18 December 20016 Part1

The Network of Oromo Studies 1st International Conference London 17 – 18 December 20016P2

The Network of Oromo Studies 1st International Conference London 17 – 18 December 20016Part3

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Entertaining Petty Differences Whilst People Are Dying Is Treachery Equating to an Ideological Fornication!

December 18, 2016, By Denboba Natie

Agreeing to disagree is a democratic principle whose ethos underpin freedom of choice, assembly, expression and by far human dignity. However, disagreeing due to petty differences -whilst children, youth/old, men/women are getting murdered on daily basis -their bodies are buried in communal graves and the rest are thrown into bushes to be devoured by wild animals; tens of thousands of woman and girls are gang rapped by the regime’s army and hundreds of thousands are unlawfully incarcerated and tortured; such disagreements become treachery and utter betrayal.

I’m focusing on discussing the above fact. I’m not here to dictate any terms and conditions, which will never be the case. Nor am I here to entertain lies and deceits, or decorating the ugly faces of something inherently wrong. I can’t deny fact or embellish the reality with beautiful, yet heartless and soulless mantras. Moreover, I’m not talking theory and hypothesis emphasizing as to how, the struggle of nation and peoples in Ethiopia must progress.

I’m rather talking about the unshakable belief I and the other tens of millions uphold based on the reality on the ground about the yearning of the peoples of this region for freedom, equality and justice – that is denied to them by TPLF’s ruthless regime for the last 25 years. I’m arguing that their sacrifices are going to be in vain if the Diaspora recklessly continue bickering on its petty differences (within one ethnic nation or multi-nationally). Ultimately, as the other millions I’m voicing the voices of barbarically murdered civilians by ruthless TPLF’s regime and its army. I’m echoing the calls of the brutalized souls of hundreds of thousands of Oromo, Ogadenia, Sidama, Amhara, Afar, Gambella, Konso and Benshangul civilians and the rest parts of Ethiopia civilians. Their souls are crying for a united action to avenge their killers. The ghosts of unlawfully massacred martyrs are begging the actors to come together to achieve the cause for which they have died and their fellow sisters and brothers are dying. Their ghosts are begging for an unconditional unity of all to be able to remove the regime that has murdered them to turn the country into a mega-structured prison hall.

Therefore, I’m reiterating indisputable fact that the peoples of Ethiopia are subjected to. But I’m not never dance to the tune of unity or disunity of any political groups or the entire country. I’m not and never be the follower of any party’s hullaballoo whose objective is ambiguous and misleading. However, I feel morally compelled, intellectually convinced and politically coerced to discuss the gripping reality on the ground. The gripping reality is the ongoing massacre of unarmed civilians by the regime’s forces day and night. The reality is subjecting the peoples to ongoing state terrorism under the pretext of State of Emergency. The reality is the peoples’ houses are turned into a prison cells where torture and abuse are rampant. The reality is the peoples of the country are increasingly impoverished by TPLF’s regime whilst the minority are building their own empire by the suffering of the majority. I’m arguing this on behalf of the voiceless majority who’re paying heavy sacrifices with their precious lives.

More than any other time since this regime has assumed power in June 1991 toppling its predecessor, it’s increasingly become unforgiving and ruthless; ruling the entire country with iron feast. Most the subjects became virtual slaves who don’t have any say about pertinent issues affecting their lives. TPLF’s elites brutalize the subjects whilst Diaspora continues to argue, disagree and bicker on petty differences.

The lands of most of peasants in most parts of the country have been confiscated from them by TPLF’s generals by leaving legitimate owners destitute. Within a blink of an eye, the TPLF’s generals who were mainly barbaric illiterate and had only AK 47 with some ammunitions and few hand grenades, about 25 years ago, when they captured the capital; currently they became multibillionaires. For example, they have created special schools and universities for Tigray children whilst relegating the rest regions. Hundreds of their children are also being schooled in some of prestigious European and American elite private schools; whilst their subjects in Oromia, Sidama, Amhara, Ogaden and the rest parts of Ethiopia are gunned down on daily basis for asking their fundamental right. They control the entire economy, politics, security, foreign affairs and defense. The Diaspora in the contrary continues to argue and bicker on minor issues.

Currently, under the State of Emergency, the regime’s security forces, army and the other elements are confiscating all belongings including gold and monies from the Oromia’s vast region. They arrest, torture and kill their subjects with impunity. TPLF’s officials and generals continually confiscate all resources of the country to keep their booty’s in the banks of some of European, American or various Asian countries. The peoples of Ethiopia argue that, the regime’s elements keep their looted multi millions of dollars out of the country simply because when the worst-case scenario unfold, the culprits can flee the country to these countries, after destabilizing it and the region afar.

Therefore, unsatisfied with such unlawfully accumulated wealth, the TPLF and its agents to date terrorize the peoples of Ethiopia, they are bestial and unrepentant. This is the system the people in Oromia, Amhara, Ogadenia, Konso, Gambella, Benshangul, Sidama and the rest places are saying, ‘we had enough of suffering and subjugation’. The people are saying ‘we had enough of brutality and relentless massacre of un armed civilians’. This is the barbaric regime the peoples of Ethiopia are telling ‘we can’t bear your brutality any longer’. This is the regime the peoples of Ethiopia are telling ‘we had enough of poverty and deprivation’. The regime however, as always continues responding with live bullet and unprecedented level of brutality.

The death of over 1,500 civilians and the incarceration of over 60.000 in Oromo alone since November 2015’s Oromo resistance- talks volume. The number of dead and imprisoned in Oromo are exponentially increasing. Since the regime has imposed ‘State of Emergency’ on the 8^th/9^th of October 2016; hundreds of bodies have been discovered in various parts of Oromia’s vast region after being devoured by wild animals. Several communal graves have been discovered in various parts of Oromia, Amhara, Konso, Afar, Ogadenia, Gambella, Benshangul and the rest parts of Ethiopia since the current Oromo, Amhra and the rest Ethiopian peoples has begun in November 2015. Tens of thousands of Oromo, Amhara, Ogadenia…and the rest nations are often rounded up and taken to concentration camps like the ‘Auschwitz’, Jewish concentration camps involving incinerating the inmates whenever TPLF’s military commanders feel like burning prisoners. Mothers and daughters are rounded up by TPLF’s special commando to be gang-rapped on daily basis in most regions, i.e. in Oromia and Ogaden Somali regions.

The Amhara civilians are also paying heavy sacrifices as the Oromo and Ogadenia as well as the rest parts of Ethiopia. The regime has heinous agenda against the Amhara nation since it has assumed power. I think the regime views the Amhara nation as its arch enemy. The previous view of the TPLF’s regime of Amhara is similar like it is being currently viewed by the other non-Tigran over 95 million peoples of Ethiopia. This is for two fundamental reasons. First and foremost, TPLF views the Amhara nation as the fundamental enemy of the Tigray nation and as colonizing agent. Therefore, TPLF whilst in guerilla warfare with its predecessor has indeed believed that, the Tigray nation must be an independent nation free from Amhara oppression, and this belief to date tacitly persists. Currently, however the regime is deceptively singing to the tune of Ethiopianism with the aim of bewildering its subjects. Secondly, there are power and competition elements. This is because traditionally, any person who’s ruled Ethiopia has ruled the country since 1890s in the name of Amhara (Habasha). Therefore, TPLF fears this and remotely wants it to happen anymore. Part of its plots against the Amhara nation is annexing one of its neighboring districts (Woqayt and Xegede) to Tigray region. The ongoing Amhara resistance is due to this and it’s gaining momentum.

The Ogadenia genocide has been attested by the international human rights groups since 2008 and it is continuing unabated. The Gambella genocide (2003), the Sidama massacre of May 24, 2002 and the Keficho and Messenger massacre of early 2003 and the Addis massacre of May 2005 are some of key empirically supported facts about the TPLF’s unpreparedness to relinquish power peacefully. This is the reason why the regime responds to any peaceful quests with live bullet and unprecedented level of brutality.

While this is the unfolding reality, bickering of the Diaspora on minor issues is beyond comprehension and serious case for concern. As I have discussed above, the time is serious needing serious attention and careful and practical consideration. The time for a united effort is now and it’s crucially important to unite to shorten the suffering of the people of Oromia, Ogadenia, Amahra, Gambela, Konso, Gedeo, Sidama… and elsewhere in Ethiopia. If the Diaspora focusses on inaptly theorizing and haphazardly hypothesizing, whilst bickering on minor issues by glamorizing themselves and their efforts, the struggle of the people back in Oromia, Amhara, Ogadenia, Sidama and elsewhere in Ethiopian moves a step forward and more than two backward. Do we need this? Can we afford doing so?

The imprisonment of the Oromo’s prominent politician, professor Merara Gudina’s narrates millions about the regime final stage. Peaceful belief is becoming futile for those who advocate for this avenue as the TPLF’s regime is capable of misleading and lying to its domestic and international audiences. The time has come to swallow our differences if we genuinely believe in alleviating the sufferings of the propels of Ethiopian from East to West and North to South. If we think that we indeed care for those lives have been cut short by TPLF’s barbaric apparatuses, let’s make sure, that we put ourselves in their shoes. They are dying for the causes we claim it legitimate, therefore, let’s stop bickering!

December 18, 2016, By Denboba Natie       

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COLONIAL TRAUMA, COMMUNITY RESILIENCY AND COMMUNITY HEALTH DEVELOPMENT: The Case of the Oromo people in Ethiopia

By Begna F. Dugassa

INTRODUCTION

In human history it is well known that among the many people who have lived in highly stressful social conditions, most of them are likely to die prematurely, live in poverty, and experience other social adversities in their lives (Lang & Dickason, 1996). A few of them successfully overcome these adversities and are able to lead competent lives. Those who overcame these diffi culties are considered resilient. However, it has not been clearly understood how these individuals and communities overcame the stress and adversities while the others did not. To understand how some communities overcome stress and violence and lead successful lives, it is important to enquire into the conditions in which the community members lived and identify the circumstances that are common to them and take a close look at how these groups rebuild healthy community following adversity. In addition, one needs to look at the social conditions that are essential for resiliency and if such conditions can be replicated in other places and look for the building blocks of community resiliency.

This paper has emerged from the presentation I made in 2004 in the conference of the Canadian Association for Studies in International Development (CASID). In this paper, using primary and secondary data, I take a close look to understand what those who overcome stress and trauma have in common, and identify the necessary social conditions for resilience. In doing so, I make an effort to fi gure out whether or not the Oromo people’s healing and resiliency could be cultivated.

It is well known that lived circumstances are a factor in predicting achievements. Researchers in public health identifi ed the social determinants of health (Raphael, 2004; Farmer, 2003) and the conditions that help protect people who might be at risk of developing health problems. Our knowledge in this area suggests that negative life experiences or living conditions are linked to poor health. In the past, scientists had closely looked into the biological conditions that make the difference between healthy survivors and those who succumb to diseases. They discovered antibodies for a number of disorders (Bock & Sabin, 1997), and were able to develop vaccinations against deadly infectious diseases. From the time of Virchows work in 1848 in Upper Silesia, a region predominantly Polish but ruled by Germany, the pathogencity of colonial power relations and unhealthy social relations has been well known (Taylor & Rieger, 1985). However, there is still a lack of understanding regarding community healing and resiliency processes. Recognizing the importance of individual and community resiliency or healing processes is recently capturing the imagination of researchers and policy makers.

The vulnerability of a community to a given risk is a function of its sensitivity to a potential threat and its adaptive capacities (Farmer, 1999). For example, it is well known that community social order is central to community resiliency. If there was no social order, an individual’s selfi sh desire would run wild and such societies would lead disrupted life conditions. To prevent this, society has to be empowered in order to establish order in the community. However, under colonial rule where justice is denied, poverty follows, and when the State is organized to oppress, conspire, rob and degrade, the community cannot maintain any social order and heal itself.

The study of community resiliency and healing begins with the ’diagnosis’ of clear accomplishments or resiliency despite adversity and violence faced by a community. This paper examines resiliency conditions in Oromia, touching on the social and economic problems that the Oromo people face. Oromia is environmentally prosperous, however, war, wide spread human right violations (Human Rights Watch, 2006), famine, HIV/AIDS, malaria epidemics and Iodine Defi ciency Disorders (Dugassa, 2005, 2006) have ravaged it. Part one of this paper introduces the concept of community resiliency or the healing process, collective violence and collective rights. Under this, I explore the necessary conditions that are vital for individuals and the community to overcome adversity and develop better community health conditions. Part two of this paper examines the role played by individuals and community resiliency in community health development. Part three of this paper takes a close look at the presence or absence of resiliency conditions in Oromia. Capturing the experience and the realities with which the Oromo people have lived for over a century, this paper reveals the social and the economic problems and their root causes. Part four covers how and why resiliency conditions have been hampered in Oromia. Here I examine the relationship between the long-term effects of collective violence against the Oromo people and community resiliency. In part fi ve, I discuss the ways that resiliency or healing conditions can be cultivated. The Oromo people are the single largest ethno-national group in the Horn of Africa. In studying the situation of Oromo people, this paper brings of light another dimension for the socio-economic and health problems such as famine, war and instability in the Horn of Africa.

Read full report PDF

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Ogaden News Agency (ONA) – Heavy fighting reported between ONLF Army and TPLF regime forces in Ogaden.

The report says there has been heavy fighting between the Ogaden National Liberation Army (ONLA) and TPLF regime forces in Ogaden.

TPLF regime forces were engaged in harassment activities around the Dumodlay Village of Qabri-dahar district including rape, beatings, and arbitrary detention.

The Ogaden National Liberation Army attacked the regime’s forces in Dumodlay Village on the 15th of December, 2016 and has caused considerable damage against regime forces, killing 6 soldiers and wounded 8 others.

Ogaden is war-zone and the conflict between ONLF Army and TPLF regime forces is on daily basis.

ONA Ogaden.

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The Year in Human Rights Videos – Oromo Peaceful Protesters at the top

Amy Braunschweiger
Senior Web Communications Manager

(HRW) — The gunning down of peaceful protesters in Ethiopia. Animations depicting the devastation of Saudi Arabia’s male ‘guardianship’ system on women’s lives. From these to child brides and LGBT rights, here are the year’s most-watched videos on Human Rights Watch’s YouTube Channel.

1. When we pieced together cell phone footage showing the deaths of peaceful protesters in Ethiopia, it became by far our most-watched video this year – both in English and Amharic.

Ethiopian security forces have killed more than 400 protesters and others, and arrested tens of thousands more during widespread protests in the Oromia region since November 2015.

2. Under Saudi Arabia’s guardianship system, women need a male guardian’s permission to marry, go to school, work, or even undergo certain medical procedures. This holds true even if a guardian – a father, husband, or even son – is abusive.

Saudi Arabia’s male guardianship system remains the most significant impediment to women’s rights in the country despite limited reforms over the last decade.

3. People who don’t conform to traditional ideas of gender in Sri Lanka face discrimination and abuse.

Transgender people and others who don’t conform to social expectations about gender face discrimination and abuse in Sri Lanka, including arbitrary detention, mistreatment, and discrimination accessing employment, housing, and health care. These abuses take place within a broader legal landscape that fails to recognize the gender identity of transgender people without abusive requirements; makes same-sex relations between consenting adults a criminal offense; and enables a range of abuses against LGBTI people by state officials and private individuals. The Sri Lankan government should protect the rights of transgender people and others who face similar discrimination.

4. Thirty-seven percent of girls in Nepal marry before age 18, and 10 percent are married by age 15.

Many children in Nepal are seeing their futures stolen from them by child marriage. Nepal’s government promises reform, but in towns and villages across the country, nothing has changed.

5. In Saudi Arabia, the permission of male guardians is required for women to be released from prison.

Saudi Arabia’s male guardianship system remains the most significant impediment to women’s rights in the country despite limited reforms over the last decade.

6. … and to travel.

Saudi Arabia’s male guardianship system remains the most significant impediment to women’s rights in the country despite limited reforms over the last decade.

7. How LGBT students are bullied in Japan…

The Japanese government has failed to protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) students from school bullying.

8. A victim shares how he escaped Boko Haram, and talks of those who couldn’t…

9. This man tells how he was tortured in a CIA-run detention center.

A Tunisian man formerly held in secret United States Central Intelligence Agency custody have described previously unreported methods of torture that shed new light on the earliest days of the CIA program. Lotfi al-Arabi El Gherissi, 52, recounted being severely beaten with batons, threatened with an electric chair, subjected to various forms of water torture, and being chained by his arms to the ceiling of his cell for a long period.

10. And at number 10, how tobacco companies make money off the backs — and health — of Indonesian child workers.

Thousands of children in Indonesia, some just 8 years old, are working in hazardous conditions on tobacco farms.

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Ethiopia ‘to free nearly 10,000 detainees’ – Most of whom are Oromo

Mary Harper
Africa editor, BBC World Service

(BBC Highlights, Dec 21) — Ethiopia says it’s releasing nearly 10,000 people detained under the state of emergency imposed in October.

Another 2,500 will be charged with crimes related to unrest.

The authorities say those released have been given special training to ensure they will no longer engage in “destructive behaviour”.

Most of the detainees are from the regions of Oromia and Amhara, where there were months of protests against political and economic marginalisation.

The situation has been relatively calm since the state of emergency came into force.

Ethiopians in the diaspora have constantly protested against the state of emergency

Read: Ethiopia’s secretive government

Emmanuel Igunza
BBC Africa, Addis Ababa

(BBC Highlights, Dec 21) — Nearly 10,000 people detained under the current state of emergency in Ethiopia were freed this morning, deputy government spokesman Zadig Abraha has confirmed to the BBC.

On Saturday, the government said more than 24,000 people have been arrested since the state of emergency was declared three months ago and half that number still remain in custody without charge.

The government has dismissed reports by human rights and opposition groups that many of those arrested have been tortured at various camps and their families have been refused permission to see them.

People in Ethiopia’s Oromia and Amhara regions have been demanding greater political freedom

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Stop Your madness with Master Plan and Resolve the Master Problem

FB: Jawar Mohammed

The TPLF state media has announced Addis Ababa Master Plan will be implemented soon. I have seen documents pertaining to this matter. Here is my take:

1) The regime claims this master plan is for Addis Ababa city only. That is the controversial Integrated Master Plan of Addis Ababa and surrounding towns have been disentangled and split into two. In other words Addis Ababa has given up on a joint master plan with its neighboring Oromia towns and forging ahead with separate plan. Yet…

2) A cursory review of the ‘new’ plan shows it isn’t that new. For a starter, the land that is incorporated in this plan that’s supposed to be just for city of Addis Ababa is way larger than the current & constitutional limits of the city. There are localities and districts (according to the constitutionally stipulated jurisdictions of both the Oromia state & the AA city council administration) laying in the current Oromia proper like Gelan, Semit, Jamo etc which are surprisingly made part of the city and covered in the “new master plan”. In short, There’s is huge tract of land from surrounding Oromia villages that have still been incorporated into Addis Ababa. In other words, this master plan expands the city limit violating the existing boarders and aims to remove hundreds of thousands of farmers, just as previously planned.

3) Just as the earlier ‘integrated’ master plan, this ‘new’ plan states that the city will get water from Oromia (Gefersa, Laga Dadhi, Aqaqi) and dry waste will be dumped in Sandafa as well. It assumes the city will continue to use these resources and services free of charge. But there is no agreement between Oromia and the city administration.

4) The regime promised to resolve the constitutionally guaranteed Oromia’s Special interest over Addis Ababa by this past October. Yet that has not been materialized yet. Trying to implement a 25 year Master Plan for Addis Ababa before resolving this thorny issue is tantamount to inviting further complications.

5) In general, this ‘new’ master plan is different from the integrated master plan only in name. They have tried to make it look different. They said the previous plan was based on Frances city of Lyon while the new one is based on Seoul city of Korea. Yet the same people who devised the previous plan are behind this one. Abay Tsehaye is the man who is pushing it. Mathiwos Asefa the manager of the ‘integrated plan’ is again manager of the ‘new’ plan. The old plan was supposedly scrapped in January 2016. In their own admission its takes years to develop a master plan that lasts 25 years. Which means they did not develop any new plan but renamed the same old bloody one.

The bottom line is Finfinne (Addis Ababa) is at the heart of Oromia, geographically, politically, culturally and economically. Any plan developed for the city without the participation and approval of the Oromo people and Oromia state for the city is bound to adversely affect Oromo people, economically, culturally and politically. Hence, it has been and it will be rejected and resisted.Similarly any plan contested by the Oromos and bound to fail harming residents of the city. Thus, before you embark on any fancy talk of Master Plan, sit down and resolve the Master Problem…Oromia’s historical and constitutionally affirmed right and interest over the city of Addis Ababa.

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ARDUF PRESS RELEASE – TPLF’S SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON ITS NEVER-ENDING PLOYS

The brutal minority regime of Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) retaliations to the yearlong protests in the Oromia, Amhara and other parts of the country have been extra-judicial killings, throwing thousands of innocent civilians in jail, blocking access to social media. In short untold massive human rights violations, most of those barbaric acts were executed under the guise of “State of Emergency” in order to lawfully target the political oppositions and civilians who are protesting against the political, economic and social injustice and the lack of democracy. ARDUF believes that the imposition of the State of Emergency by TPLF/EPRDF is to deploy military forces to legalise its unlawful killings, arbitrary detention, imprisonment and to labelling opposition leaders as anti-peace and terrorist elements. As a result of the State of Emergency Law, Ethiopian civilians live under constant state of fear and violations of human rights. TPLF/EPRDF regime, on the other hand, promised to undergo “extensive reform” and substituted some Ministers on the Federal and Regional levels by Professors and PhDs recruited from the higher institution of learning. Above all, it unleashed a slanderous campaign to discredit opposition groups by playing them against each other particularly on social media.

Even the superficial manoeuvre of reshuffling officials has not been materialized so far in the Afar Region. We are sure that they will NOT bring Professors or Doctors (PhD) from institutions of higher learning in the Afar Region as they pretend to do in Tigray and the Federal level because there are none in that regard. We also pretty sure that TPLF will NOT give the Afar the right of Self-Determination to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Since the last meeting in 2015, held in the District of ABAALA (ABQAALA) (Zone 2 of the Afar region), the Afar people have been facing unprecedented political, economic, social, security problems and severe hunger. The ruling clique appointed by the TPLF have failed to meet their legal, moral, ethical and political responsibilities and obligations to address the needs of the Afars. Instead of promoting Equal Opportunities Policy and Equality before the law, they engaged in promoting tribalism and divide and rule policies. Tribalism is now overriding the national law. Afar people are confused, frustrated and disappointed. They are angry and they have almost totally lost faith, trust and confidence in the ruling clique. ARDUF demands their immediate resignation to minimize the suffering and to give the Afar freedom to decide their destiny. In the last 20 years, only three well known TPLF servants have dominated the scene in the Afar Region, initially rendering service as ERRAND BOYS and later co-opted by the TPLF into establishing the Afar Regional assignee namely the Afar People’s Democratic Organization (APDO). It seems those three ERRAND BOYS are irreplaceable.

The popular protest continues despite the regime’s use of massive and brutal force instead of addressing the root cause of the problem. Such measures have not worked in the past and will not succeed at present as the upraising is re-bouncing back stronger than ever. While the upraising flares in other parts of the country, the much waited for countrywide mass uprising against the regime could not be coordinated. The new Coalitions being formed must heed the lessons of yesterday, if it is to bear fruit and manifest itself in a nation-wide concerted action.

ARDUF can confirm that the call and the struggle to put an end to decades of systematic exclusion and marginalization, respect for the rule of law; genuine self-rule and democratic opening will continue with more determination than ever. Neither the State of Emergency accompanied by the deadly crackdown on protesters nor the gross violations of human rights or the slanderous campaign to discredit the opposition will stop the democratic aspirations of the Ethiopian people. The uprisings and resistance will continue until our democratic demands and objectives are achieved in spite of the TPLF’s never-ending ploys.

ARDUF calls on all Ethiopian opposition forces and civil societies to reject and denounce the politics of divide and rule by an iron fist and oppression of TPLF/EPRDF regime and support a democratic struggle to eliminate the fascist regime and to establish a genuine Democratic Federalism based on the rule of law in Ethiopia.

VICTORY FOR ARDUF
LONGO LIE FOR ETHIOPIA

Military Command Centre (MCC)
Information Desk of ARDUF
Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF)

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