YADESSA BOJIA: ON ART AND ACTIVISM -“WHERE THERE IS PAIN THERE IS A LOUD NOISE”

(kichuu) — Yadessa Bojia is a Seattle based Graphic Designer, Fine Arts painter and the Designer of the African Union (AU) Flag. Describing himself as a husband, parent and a brother, Yadessa uses his art as a “tool to create attentions around causes I consider worthy or lack a highlight.” Yadessa is best known for his relentless work of activism especially for his advocacy work around the global campaign to secure the release of Bekele Gerba, the prominent Ethiopian opposition figure who is jailed for the second time in the last five years only.

Addis Standard’s Mahlet Fasil interviewed Yadessa on his art work, his activism and more. Excerpts:  

Addis Standard – You are known as a man who possesses multidisciplinary talents, one of which being creative art. But you combine that with activism and have done several creative works to boost advocacy works such as the #FreeBekeleGerba campaign. Why do you do that? Why not only focus on the artwork?

Yadessa Bojia – Because I believe art can create awareness around issues that communities lack to give attention to. Issues like human rights and the struggle to secure them. Before I get to my work on #FreeBekeleGerba I would like to briefly describe a case here in Seattle. A few years ago, Hanna Alemu, an adoptee from Ethiopia was starved, beaten and killed by her adoptive parents. The case was neglected (for about six months) but once the coroner’s office released an Autopsy report, it showed a lot of abuse in her body as well as the extreme weight loss that indicated she was starved before her death. As a local Ethiopian diaspora, I was one of the people who were very furious about Hanna and I started using my art (painting and music as well as social media activism) to shed light on her plight. Thanks to the local diaspora communities, local adoptive families, prosecutors’ office and independent activists like myself her adoptive parents were found guilty and were sentenced to lengthy prison term. Cases like this and other activism works using art showed me the values of art as a tool to highlight and affect true change in society.

With regard to my activism work to boost the #FreeBekeleGerba campaign, as you know he is not the first politician or human rights activist to be imprisoned but what makes his case very interesting to me is the fact that his accusers are not able to show a shred of evidence against him. Bekele’s case resonates with what is happening on the ground in Oromia and other parts of Ethiopia today. If you go back and see the video of him talking about land grab years before the issue became public record and how the government reacted to his assessment, one can see how far ahead of the issue he was at the time. I met Bekele in Washington, DC, during the OSA conference in July 2015 and his push for nonviolent struggle to secure Oromo farmers’ rights was very appealing to me because his remedies are something that gives the country a genuine change with less bloodshed and less vitriol. Unfortunately he was thrown into jail and what we have now on the ground is bloodshed and vitriol. This is why I put my effort around the #FreeBekeleGerba campaign because he deserves to be free.  The same is true for other political prisoners whether it is Andualem Arage, Abraha Desta (thankfully Abraha is now released) or a given Oromo farmer who is yanked out of his farm just because he refuses to be pushed. Highlighting on #FreeBekeleGerba campaign indirectly sheds light on others and that is why the slogan is always “Free Bekele Gerba and other political prisoners.”

AS – Is there a particular reason when it comes to Ethiopia that triggers your sense of using your creative talent for the purpose of advocating or speaking for the wronged?

Yadessa Bojia – Yes. My family and I were wronged before. I lost my father when I was two years old – he was killed with my brother and a close friend and one of his employees in his own land and home. I lived through a life of fear and intimidation to the point where I can’t even mourn my father. For me to grow up and ignore the cry of others just like my tears were ignored is not acceptable. I will forever dedicate my talent and resources to speak up against a government that oppresses its own people. This is not only going to be specific to the current government in Ethiopia; I will do it to the next one if they don’t respect those basic human rights. This is to say, I don’t have any personal hatred against the current government just for the sake of it, but I believe in calling what I see in front of me as I see it. What I am seeing now is a government that does not respect the right of citizens, that does not hesitate to torture and kill its citizens, that does not hesitate to imprison them with little or no due process.

 AS – There are critics who say your works of art/advocacy is mostly focused on Oromo people who are and have experienced extreme form of injustice in the hands if the state in Ethiopia. Your exhibition at this Year’s Oromo Studies Association (OSA) Conference at the end of July in which you have displayed names and pictures of Oromos killed within the last nine months is just one example to mention. How do you respond to such critics?

Yadessa Bojia – Quite the contrary my works always represent the entire Ethiopian population. What makes a lot of people think my work focuses on Oromo people only is because the Oromo are going through disproportionally overwhelming amount if oppression and where there is pain there is a loud noise. In a much heightened ethnicity complex that is going on in Ethiopia today the name Yadessa also stands as a sore thumb. So let me explain why I said my work represents all. I did continually write and argued that human rights do not see colors and ethnicity. When our brothers are killed and forced out of their land in Anuak, I was one of the few voices using social media and blogs to speak against it. The same was true with the random killings of post 2005 elections. I spoke against violating the rights of protesters and denounced the killings. When the Ambo University students were   killed I did the same. In one of my articles in my blog that was titled “The Arc of the Moral Universe”, I stated:

How is it [that] we justify the killings of innocent college students just because they use their God given right to disagree and question their government? How is it [that] we keep quiet while we see poor farmers being thrown out of their ancestral land to make way to Chinese companies and government cronies in the name of progress? How is it [that] we call ourselves Ethiopians when we look the other way when our Oromo, Anuak, Amhara brothers and sisters are killed and abused in front of us? Does it make a difference if a mother that buries her baby is from Oromo or Tigrai? What makes one more or less painful or important? Why are we only incensed when we feel pain close to us and why are we totally deaf to the weeping of children from far? This is not a struggle between ethnic groups; this is a struggle against a system that tries to [pity] us against one another. We all need to have a moral compass to stand in front of our kids and condemn injustice.

Now that said, one has to understand the singling out and the years of abuse of Oromo farmers, students and politicians in the hands of the current government. The widely known say that goes “the prisons in Ethiopia speak Afaan Oromo” is not a joke; it is a true sentence in a saddest form. I have no worries if people think I stood for the Oromo or identify myself as one. I am as an Oromo as a Chochofull of yogurt, but I am also a person who believes that Oromos have a right just like any others in Ethiopia and vice versa.

AS – Off the topic of activism, many people know you by your design of the African Union Flag, which was adopted at the 14th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Governments on 31st January 2010. Tell me what inspired you to do that design, which ultimately led you to win the competition?

Yadessa Bojia– As you can see from the design of the flag, the central part of my design is a sunray that is shining on Africa. This is by design to show the new dawn in Africa in which Africans can decide their own fate by building democratic institutions that leave long lasting foundations for true progress and prosperity. That is the vision I had at the time when I was designing it and I was very pleased the heads of state shared that vision with me to choose it. Yes we have our ups and downs and the frictions in every angle of the continent, but there are a lot of great signs that Africa is heading to become a strong continent. We need to know though the vision is not going to be a reality if we left the continent to some leaders and political parties that are abusing their positions; we all need to be active participants of the struggle to create a better tomorrow. This past year I was asked by the Economic, Social and

Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC) to present my ideas related to art and Agenda 2063 at the Global Africa Diaspora Convention 2015 in Baltimore WA and I am happy to say that some of the ideas I presented were included in the report.

AS – I heard about your contribution in re-creating the artistic design for the display of Lucy, Ethiopia’s 3.2-million-year-old Australopithecus Afarensis, during Lucy’s six years and 11 cities tour to the US. Can you enlighten our readers on that?

Yadessa Bojia – In the second leg of her stop Lucy came to the Pacific Science Center in Seattle WA. At the time of her visit, the local Ethiopian communities saw an important opportunity to showcase our country beyond what can be seen through Lucy. With the help of Pacific Science Center and the head curator Diana Jones, we were able to participate by helping the exhibit. I was tasked in creating graphics that include the multi ethnic view of our culture and I did so by working on vector motifs that was inspired by traditional clothes of different ethnic groups. We were also able to showcase Ethiopian Arts by doing an art show side by side with the exhibit and local artists like Sultan Mohammed, Fasika, I and others were able to show the vast color and art styles. We were also able to publish a receipt book with artistic drawings entitled “Receipts from Afar and Near”: The Hidden Treasures of Ethiopia.

AS – Recently one of your works called “The Messengers” is featured among a collection of designs showing “how diverse and universal the refugee experience truly is”, according to organizers. How did you become a part of this project?  

Yadessa Bojia – The poster series was organized by Creative Action Network (CAN). CAN is a global community of artists and designers, harnessing their talents for good and it was organized by artists from around United States [who are] mostly involved in politically charged art with a tinge of activism. I have been working with them for a while and one of the famous works I did for them was the “See America” poster series for the Martin Luther King Monument of Washington, DC. For the specific project you mentioned, the well-known Anti-Defamation League partnered with CAN to come up with a poster series under the umbrella of “WE ARE ALL STRANGERS”. I believe the atmosphere that was created by Trump towards immigrants in America was the reason behind the poster series. I am proud of my contribution and to make things even more interesting the design was selected to be shown in the office of New York Governor, Andrew Cuomo.

AS – A quote from you describing “The Messengers” says: “This painting depicts my life as an immigrant from my native country of Ethiopia. As the exodus of Jews from Egypt, this painting tries to capture the passage of an immigrant to the new world and the unpredictability and the struggle one goes through to reach the Promised Land.” It’s been more than 20 years since you have emigrated from your country Ethiopia. Are the memories still fresh for you to have said that?

Yadessa Bojia – Honestly 20 years is not that long in an immigrant’s mind set. The more you stayed out of the country the more you struggle to find your true identity in relation to the new and the old world. In 2006, I showed a month long art show in Seattle’s Pioneer square titled “The invisibles”. The purpose of that art show was to show the invisibility of an immigrant in finding a place in the old and new world and how when time progressed, his or her identity keeps on fading in both places to create the invisibility. Yes in the time of the exodus for the slaved Jews the Promised Land might be Israel but in today’s world the Promised Land is an identity one seeks to find oneself in. It is a constant search, a search that I might not stop seeking but might one day be answered by my kids or grand kids.

Editor’s note: This interview was first published on Addis Standard print magazine in Sep. 2016.

Inside photo: Yadessa Bojia with Bekele Gerba, a prominent oppostion politician in Ethiopia’s prison. 

All Photos were provided by the interviwee

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Vision Ethiopia vs. Vision Oromia: Good for Who?

By Rundassa Eshete Hunde

Anyone who can explain what is the underlying concerns of the Oromo and other colonized people in empire Ethiopia can recommend the best solution for the political and economic dilemmas that our people are facing today.   In order to figure this underlying concerns, one needs to ask “What made the Tigreans the rulers of empire Ethiopia today?

Ever since the Tigreans occupied the political vacuum created by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Oromo people have been fighting them year after year after year, but the Tigreans managed to kill tens of thousands, jailed hundreds of thousands and remained in control.

Now they’re rich, they are dominant, they are the boss of five million servants whom they have recruited from among the ethnic groups of the ill empire.  When we look at their educational backgrounds, they’re just like everyone else because historically they had the same access to the empire’s education system, and their exposure to the Amhara oppression was similar to the rest of us. Then why is it that they seem to have something different? Why is it that Malasa Seena was able to lead his starving army to Finfinnee when Galaasaa Dilboo or Leencoo Lata couldn’t?  Malasa wasn’t the only man who opposed to the Dargu government and he certainly wasn’t the only great orator of the day. Why him?

In fact, there was an American funded opposition group known as E.D.U, and certainly this team was better qualified militarily than the TPLF because it was led by general Nagga Tagany, but it didn’t achieve its political objective.  The TPLF beat the E.D.U, the same way it beat the E.P.R.P.

There must be something else at play here. Right?

Whether pride and insecurity may have contributed to the success of the TPLF, all the great inspiring leaders and organizations in the world, be it is Che Guvera or Martin Luther King or Mandela, they all think, act and communicate the exact same way.   But why are these men able to inspire where others aren’t.  The fact of the matter is that every person or group forms an organization to achieve certain objectives.  But very, very few people or organizations know why they do what they do and how to do it. And by “why” I am talking about “the purpose.”

So, what is the purpose of the “Vision Ethiopia” group?  What is their cause? What’s their belief? Why does Vision Ethiopia group need to exist? Why do the “Vision Ethiopia” team members spend their time and money on “Vision Ethiopia”? And why should they care for Ethiopia more than the Oromians?

How about the few Oromos who say that they care for Ethiopia more than the Oromians who want to be free from the Habasha colonialism?  Why do they think and act differently from those who want to see a liberated Oromia?   Why what’s clear to most Oromians get too fuzzy to the supporters of united Ethiopia?

Well, be it is the “Vision Ethiopia” group or the pro Ethiopia elements inside the Oromo, there is something they share in common.  Regardless of their ethnic and educational backgrounds, they all think, act and communicate from the inside out being inspired by greed, fear, ignorance, ego and arrogance.

Let me answer my first question, “What helped the TPLF become the champion of 25 years’ control over 100 million people?  And the answer is: the TPLF used very easy ideas that anyone understands. That is, “they told the colonized people that they are degraded and disrespected by the Amharas who laughed at their names, cultures, accents and languages.”  Everybody got the message.

If the TPLF was like EDU or like EPRP, it’s political propaganda massages to the P.D.Os would have sounded like this:.. “We are the decedents of Aste Kaaleb and we are going to make Ethiopia great!” This is how the pro-Ethiopian unity groups sound and that’s how they communicate today.

As to the weakness of the pro-free Oromia group, some of them seem to believe that everything they do has to do something with challenging those in power or those who align the Habasha groups.  As a result, they couldn’t think differently. The way they challenge those whom they disagree with is by making them look bad and by being unfriendly to them. What they failed to understand however is that people don’t care about what others do but to learn how to overcome their political and economic challenges.  That means, they need leaders not resentful complaining men.

Another problem that the pro-free Oromia groups are having is that they all are perfectly comfortable with the way they think.  For that reason, nothing distinguishes them from the rest. That’s why anyone, be it is educated, uneducated, old, young, suffered or someone who just heard about the Oromo struggle feel that they are equally qualified to make all sorts of judgments.  Everyone is full of opinion even though they don’t know how to do a thing.

The other group is the PDO groups who don’t know why they do what you do.  These TPLF servants have no goal of their own but they live to eat and drink by making their Tigre bosses happy.

Let me say that we all sit at various places and at various times and form opinions about this or that matter but what the law of diffusion of innovation tells us is that if we want to be accepted by the majority, we cannot have it until we get rid of our fear of new thinking.  Of course, freedom remains always new as long as slavery exists.  But the new thinking I am talking about here is that the way we do things must incorporate new approaches from time to time.  I think that nationalist Oromians must learn how not to fear new ways of doing things. To do that, they need to get out of their comfort zone and make gutsy decisions.

As a principle of fact, it is important to remember that when the OLF announced its political program some 30 years ago, it told the Oromo people that it is possible to live with dignity in their own free country Oromia and redevelop their shattered culture.  When the cynical minority said, “We don’t believe that it is possible to liberate Oromia,” the majority agreed with the OLF.   Meantime, the sons and daughters of the Habasha ruling class said, “We don’t like to see your freedom. That scares us.”

What if they had said, “If your freedom can’t hurt us, your happiness is our happiness!”  Boy! that would have made a world of a difference.

In Oromia’s summer of 1991, millions of Oromians showed up in Finfinnee’s avenue known as the revolution square.  The OLF sent out no invitations, and there was no website to check the day Galaasaa Dilboo was going to give a speech.  Well, Galaasaa Dilboo wasn’t the only man in Oromia who was a great orator. He wasn’t the only Oromo who fought for free Oromia.  In fact, there were better fighters, better speakers and better thinkers than Galasaa.  But there was something unique about what the OLF did back then. They didn’t tell people what changes need to be made to Ethiopia. Rather, they told people what they believed. “I believe, I believe…., I believe Oromia can provide everything that the Oromo people need if liberated!” Someone told the other. And people who believed what the guy before them believed took his cause, and they made it their own, and they told other people. And some of those people created structures to get the word out to even more people. And lo and behold, millions of Oromians showed up on the right day at the right time to hear Galaasaa speak.

How many Oromos showed up for Galaasaa? Zero. They showed up for themselves. It’s what they believed about Oromia that got them to travel in a bus for hours to reach Finfinnee. It’s what they believed, not what the “Vision Ethiopia” groups believed.

Just recently, the Oromo Qarree and Qeerroo believed that there are two types of laws in Ethiopia: those that are made by the Tigreans and for the Tigreans. And not until all the laws that are made by handful Tigreans are consistent with the laws made by the Abbaa Gadaa of Oromia, we will continue to live under the Tigre colonial rule. It just so happened that the Irreechaa killing, the Oromo youth movement and the heroic fight of the Oromo people against the Tigre colonial rule was the perfect action needed to be taken.  They fought not for the OLF, for the OPDO or for the political prostitutes of our era but for themselves.

Now listen to the “Pro Vision Ethiopia” groups talking.  With their fake unity slogan, they’re telling us that they love us but they couldn’t inspire us because they too are speaking for themselves.  As to the Tigreans, they hold a position of power and authority, but they are not inspiring us because they too are speaking for themselves.

Whether they’re individuals or organizations, we follow those who lead, not because we have to, but because we want to. We follow those who lead, not for them, but for ourselves.  And it’s those who start with “why” who have the ability to inspire those around them or find others who inspire them.

Rundassa Asheetee Hundee ti

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Family: Ethiopian Running Legend Miruts Yifter Dies at 72

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Miruts Yifter was Born May 15, 1944 (age 72) Adigrat, Tigray

(kichuu) –ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Miruts Yifter, an Ethiopian running legend who inspired world-class athletes like Haile Gebreselassie, has died in Canada at age 72, his family and Ethiopian Athletics Federation officials told the Associated Press on Friday.

The athlete known widely by the nickname “Miruts the Shifter” won two gold medals at the 1980 Moscow Olympics at age 40 and won bronze medals earlier at the 1972 Munich Games.

“Miruts has been everything to me and my athletics career,” said Haile Gebreselassie, the double Olympic 10,000-meter champion, who struggled with his tears while talking to the AP by phone. “When I started running, I just wanted to be like him. He is the reason for who I’m now and for what I have achieved.”

Miruts’ son, Biniam Miruts, said his father had been suffering from respiratory problems.

Miruts Yift was the subject of much criticism during Ethiopia’s former military regime, especially for not winning gold medals at the Munich Games, and he was thrown into jail upon his return home. He was soon released but left Ethiopia in 2000 for Canada.

Family members said he was never accorded the dignity and privileges he deserved in Ethiopia, and they called on all Ethiopians to give him a heroic welcome when his body arrives for burial in Addis Ababa next week.

Miruts has seven children, most of whom live outside Ethiopia.

Haile recalled listening to the radio as a little boy during Mirut’s victory in Moscow.

“I used to doubt that he was a human being after all for achieving what he achieved back then,” he said Friday. “For me, he is the best-ever athlete Ethiopia ever had after the great Abebe Bikila.”

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Ethiopia Frees Thousands of Detainees – Human Rights Watch
End Emergency Restrictions and Address Protester Grievances

Felix Horne
Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa

(HRW) — It’s good news that Ethiopia’s government has announced the release of 9,800 people detained for their participation in anti-government protests. But they represent fewer than half of the 24,000 people detained since a countrywide state of emergency began on October 9. And most never should have been arrested. The state of emergency has had catastrophic rights implications for Ethiopians, and the factors that prompted it remain unresolved.

Ethiopian security hold back demonstrators chanting slogans during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia, October 2, 2016. © 2016 Reuters

Since November 2015, security forces have arrested and detained tens of thousands of people, often without charge, during protests against government policies in Oromia. Hundreds of protesters have been killed. We have interviewed dozens of people held in short-term detention in military camps, and many described mistreatment and torture in meticulous detail.

The scale of the arrests is overwhelming. Many lives have been lost or forever altered. “Iftu,” a 16-year-old girl from Hararghe in Oromia, described the toll on her family –  security forces shot and killed her father during an August protest. Several days after his funeral, two of her brothers were arrested and taken to Tolay military camp, and have not been seen since. Her mother and two other brothers went missing when the military went door to door in November “arresting every young person they could find,” she said. Her uncle cannot walk because of torture he suffered in Ziway prison following protests in Oromia in 2014. Iftu’s school administrator suspended her for one year after the military found a “protest song” on her phone. Her family and her future have been torn apart because she, her fellow students, and her father took to the streets to protest against government policies.

Iftu hopes some of her family will be released soon, but she told me she would not go back to Hararghe until the killings and mass arrests stop and protesters’ grievances are addressed. Many other young people have told me the same thing.

The government has made vague promises of reform and increased consultation with the concerned public. But mass arrests continue, fueling anger. The detention of key opposition leaders, such as Dr. Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba, as well as the clampdown on basic rights limits the potential for open dialogue that is needed to understand and address protesters’ grievances. The government needs to show that it intends to tackle these complaints. Ending state of emergency restrictions would be an important step forward.

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ASCL worried about the arrest of Ethiopian political scientist Dr Merera Gudina

(African Studies Centre Leiden) — The African Studies Centre Leiden has noted with concern and astonishment the recent arrest on 1 December 2016 of Dr Merera Gudina, political scientist and chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress in Ethiopia, a legal opposition party.

Dr Merera has been a visiting scholar to the African Studies Centre twice and has made major contributions to the understanding of Ethiopian and African political life. He has been a consistent voice for moderation, dialogue and transparent politics.

Before his arrest Dr Merera had returned from a meeting on 9 November at the European Parliament in Brussels, where he had, upon invitation, briefed EP members on the situation in Ethiopia after the proclamation of the ‘state of emergency’ on 12 October 2016. Although Dr Merera has been in prison (Ma’ekälawi Prison) for nearly a month, no charges have been brought, and the ground given for his arrest was “…trespassing the state of emergency rulings of the country”, an apparent reference to the presence at the same meeting of a leader of the Ginbot-7 movement, a group seen as ‘terrorist’ by the Ethiopian government under its ‘anti-terrorism proclamation’ of 2009. This reason given for Dr Merera’s arrest seems not very convincing, as Dr. Merera did not invite these members and did not organize the meeting: that was the European Parliament. Dr. Merera cannot be reproached for having to meet and sit at the same table with other guests invited by the European Parliament.

Although we understand Ethiopian government’s concern with security, this arrest of Dr Merera does not fit the picture. It is well known that he and his party OFC have no violent or insurrectionist agenda, and he has always been very open and clear about his position and that of his party. The activities of this party are consistently peaceful and aimed at political dialogue and accommodation.

In prison, Dr Merera has so far neither been allowed to meet friends and relatives nor his lawyers.

The ASCL is disappointed by the imprisonment of Dr. Merera, and we are concerned about his fate. Detaining him does not match the confidence building measures and efforts ‘to hear the voice of those that may not be represented’ in Ethiopia, a stated aim of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, e.g., in his talks with visiting German Chancellor A. Merkel on 11 October in Addis Ababa.

We therefore would like to plead for the unconditional release from prison of Dr Merera.

African Studies Centre Leiden

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A state of emergency has brought calm to Ethiopia. But don’t be fooled

By Paul Schemm

People from the Oromo group block a road in Ethiopia after protesters were shot dead by security forces in Wolenkomi, about 35 miles west of Addis Ababa in December 2015. (AFP/Getty Images)

METI, Ethiopia (The Washington Post) — Earlier this month, hundreds of high school students in the small Ethiopian town of Meti gathered for a demonstration.

They were supposed to be celebrating the country’s Nations and Nationalities day, which commemorates the much-vaunted equality of Ethiopia’s 80 ethnic groups. Instead, they defied a two-month-old state of emergency to voice their anger over stalled political reforms and endemic corruption.

The protest was quickly dispersed and arrests were made, locals said, and calm returned to the village. But the incident is a sign of the simmering resentment that threatens to shatter Ethiopia’s enforced quiet.

The United States, one of Ethiopia’s biggest backers, is urging the government to address the widespread dissatisfaction and open up the country’s politics before it is too late.

“We feel it has reached an inflection point where some hard decisions are going to have to be made,” said Tom Malinowski, the assistant secretary of state for human rights, in an interview during a recent visit to the capital, Addis Ababa. “Otherwise, a lot of the achievements could be jeopardized, and we know from the country’s history what a true crisis could look like.”

[A year after Obama’s visit, Ethi­o­pia is in turmoil]

It is difficult to overstate the importance of Ethiopia to Africa’s stability. It has the continent’s second-largest population — nearly 100 million people — one of its fastest growing economies and a powerful military that helps stabilize a string of troubled countries around it.

The United States — and many other countries — have invested extensively in aid programs to help the Ethiopian government wrest the country out of poverty and bring it to middle-income status. If it succeeds — and becomes a democracy as well — it could be a model for developing nations everywhere.

Ethiopia has witnessed double-digit growth in the past decade. But this rapid economic expansion has resulted in strains, especially when new factories and commercial farms are being built on land taken from farmers. The central Oromo region, which has historically felt marginalized — despite having the largest segment of the population and some of the richest farmland — has been particularly hard hit.

Protests erupted there in November 2015 over the land grabs, corruption in the local government and lack of services such as running water, electricity and roads. The demonstrations later spread to the northern Amhara region, which has grievances of its own with a government that residents maintain is dominated by the Tigrayan minority group.

It has been the worst unrest in Ethi­o­pia since Tigrayan-led rebels overthrew the Marxist government in 1991. Amnesty International estimates at least 800 people have died in the suppression of protests over the past year.

People have also increasingly singled out Tigrayans for their woes, blaming them for getting the best jobs or dominating the economy. There have been cases of attacks on Tigrayans in the north of the country, and there are fears the unrest could take on a more ethnic dimension.

After dozens were killed during a botched attempt to disperse a crowd at an Oromo religious festival in October, mobs attacked factories and commercial farms across the country and the government declared a state of emergency. Violence has since dropped off, and the government has said it is addressing grievances and has already made significant progress, especially in the Oromo region.

“The reform in Oromia has been far ahead when compared to other regions,” insisted government spokesman Negeri Lencho in a recent news conference. “Ethiopia is in a state of reform — the reform began at the cabinet level . . . and is now continuing at other government levels to the lowest levels.”

But a dozen people interviewed by The Washington Post in the Oromo region said there have been no changes.

“The previous officials are still in office,” complaineda spry, old man walking with a cane from a weekend market in the town of Ejere. Like everyone else interviewed, he spoke on the condition of anonymity because of concerns for his safety.

He paused under an acacia tree overlooking his village to complain how nothing had improved. There had been no effort to address calls for paved roads or installing electricity, he said.

“The people are resentful of the local officials and don’t want to discuss things with them,” he said. The local administrator also had not shown much interest in talking to the people, he said, though he admitted a potential reason why: Villagers burned down his house last year.

A middle-aged woman dressed in a floral print dress and white shawl butted in. “We need the government to respond to the demands of the people,” she said, her voice rising. “What we need is for the killings and imprisonments to stop.”

Villagers described a climate of fear, with late-night raids targeting young people who had been accused of protesting. Few doubted that demonstrations will resume once the state of emergency is lifted.

The government has promised a new electoral system with proportional representation so that opposition politicians have a chance to get elected. Currently, the opposition has no seats in the parliament or on local councils.

“What the government says is simply astonishing, what they are saying is totally different from what we see on the ground,” a young Oromo said in a village not far from the capital.

“On one hand, they talk about a dialogue with the opposition. But on with the other hand, they are arresting the head of the main opposition party,” he added, referring to the Dec. 1 arrest of the country’s most prominent Oromo opposition leader, Merera Gudina.

Most of his party’s top and mid-level leaders have also been imprisoned over the past year despite the government’s talk of the need for dialogue with all political parties.

“The effect of the state of emergency counteracts the aspirations they have articulated,” Malinowski noted. He acknowledged that while the Ethiopian government is suggesting reforms, little has materialized. “The problem is they haven’t done any of it yet, and even with unqualified commitment and speed, these things are going to take quite some time to achieve.”

As the countryside seethes, time is not on the government’s side. The United States has urged a number of confidence-building measures such as releasing opposition figures.

The government may be starting to respond. Following Malinowski’s visit in mid-December, it released 9,800 of the nearly 25,000 people detained during the state of emergency.

But years of overwhelming election victories by the ruling party and its allies have left people deeply cynical about the possibility of change.

“During the past elections, those that came to power were not the ones chosen by the people,” said a 32-year-old farmer standing by the side of the highway near the town of Ambo. “We don’t know where the ballots of the people go.”

With opposition groups in the Ethiopian diaspora often preaching violence, Malinowski said the people must be shown that peaceful change within the political system is still possible.

“If they lose faith in that, they are not going to stop asking for change; they will just be more likely to listen to people who seek more extreme goals by more extreme means,” he warned.

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Hof-Land: Refined in their own country

Persecuted, fled and taken. In Oberkotzau a group of young people of the Oromo ethnic group from Ethiopia meet regularly.

Young Oromo with the forbidden flag of their Oromo country: They are longing for a peaceful life.

Oberkotzau (Frankenpost – Google Translation) – A large, colorful group of young people have been a guest in Oberkotzau this week. Head Peter Braun had learned that the group of Oromo Family had gathered in Hof under the supervision of Monika Lauterbach. For about a year and starting with a language course, the researcher Monika Lauterbach accompanies the young people on their way to the integration into a completely new world.

In Oberkotzau the geographic position of Ethiopia and the Hochebene Oromo were shown before some interested young people and adults. In addition, the young Oromo reported on the political situation. They reported that the fertile farmland on the high plateau is in demand, the rights of peasants and workers living there no longer play a role. It is to be sold to foreign investors, some have already been sold. It is better to cultivate flowers and oil seeds, and not to use basic food and coffee. Anyone who defends himself against attacking is relentlessly persecuted, imprisoned, tortured and beaten. Many people simply disappear. On the other hand, people go to the streets and stop demonstrations, but they are shed.

The Ethiopian government does not respect the rights of the population, according to the report, and persecutes the ethnicity of the Oromo; it exercises its claims with violence and arbitrariness. These are the reasons why many young people have to leave their homeland if they want to survive. When they have participated in demonstrations, resisted the removal of their farms, they are sought, imprisoned, killed. The farmlands have been inherited from their parents, the land they cultivate belongs to the Ethiopian state.

In adventurous and dangerous ways, the Oromo are exposed to a variety of dangers before they arrive in Europe. On the way they have seen many people die. “Germany – that meant justice, democracy and freedom for us,” reported one of the Oromo boys. We have fled from country to country in search of security and life.

“It was only in Germany that we experienced a humane treatment … Even in Italy, we – boys and girls as well as children – had to sleep on the street, without blanket, without food and drink, we want to learn here and when it is possible to return to our home to share our knowledge. ” For the women, however, Italy was also a difficult part of the trip – they were exposed to all attacks without protection and had hardly a quiet night.

Monika Lauterbach got to know the group as “friendly, well-behaved and very polite”. Once a week, you meet. As an interpreter, a countryman who has been in court for a long time and who is well-versed in the German language helps.

Meanwhile Lauterbach also accompanies the young people to the hearings to Zirndorf. “It’s good if someone is there who can help and explain and clarify certain things,” she emphasizes. How can you explain that an Oromo has no pass? “Not many people in Ethiopia have passports, Oromos get passports on the same terms as foreigners – they are discriminated against. They receive passports only after the 18th birthday, birth certificates are rare.”

Lauterbach has great experience in working with the city of Hof, the employment agency and the Volkshochschule in Hof. Agreements on the government level between Germany and Ethiopia are highly dangerous because they are not played with open cards. The Ethiopian government does not intend to release the returnees or the designated country people and return their land to them. They would disappear in prisons.

Almost all in the group have attended school in Ethiopia. “But it was enough that a family member participated in a demonstration or was in the freedom movement, the whole family had already been persecuted,” reports one of the young men. Now two children have already been born in Germany. One of them visits a nursery in Hof, the second is still very small. Some group members complete internships, are in the vocational school, some already have fixed jobs, they play football in clubs. They speak German and are looking for peace and normality, wanting to work and learn and to teach in crafts.

Original version in German:

Hof-Land

Ausgestoßene im eigenen Land

Persecuted, fled and taken. In Oberkotzau a group of young people of the Oromo ethnic group from Ethiopia meet regularly.

Oberkotzau (Frankenpost) — Eine große, bunte Gruppe junger Menschen ist diese Woche Gast im Bürgertreff Oberkotzau gewesen. Leiter Peter Braun hatte erfahren, dass sich in Hof die Gruppe Oromo Family unter der Obhut von Monika Lauterbach zusammengefunden hat. Seit etwa einem Jahr und beginnend mit einem Sprachkurs begleitet die Hoferin Monika Lauterbach die jungen Leute auf ihrem Weg der Integration in eine für sie völlig neue Welt.

In Oberkotzau wurde vor einigen interessierten Jugendlichen und Erwachsenen eingangs die geografische Lage Äthiopiens und der Hochebene Oromo gezeigt; ergänzend dazu berichteten die jungen Oromo von der politischen Situation. Das berichteten sie: Das fruchtbare Ackerland auf der Hochebene ist begehrt, die Rechte der dort ansässigen Bauern und Arbeiter spielen keine Rolle mehr. Es soll an ausländische Investoren verkauft werden, manches ist schon verkauft. Es werden lieber Blumen und Ölsaaten angebaut und keine Grundnahrungsmittel und Kaffee. Wer sich gegen Übergriffe wehrt, wird erbarmungslos verfolgt, eingesperrt, gefoltert und verprügelt. Viele Menschen verschwinden einfach. Dagegen gehen die Menschen auf die Straße und halten Demonstrationen ab, die aber blutig niedergeschlagen werden.

Die äthiopische Regierung achtet die Rechte der Bevölkerung nicht, so der Bericht, und verfolgt die Ethnie der Oromo, sie setzt mit Gewalt und Willkür ihre Ansprüche durch. Das sind die Gründe, warum viele junge Menschen ihre Heimat verlassen müssen, wenn sie überleben wollen. Wenn sie an Demonstrationen teilgenommen, sich gegen die Wegnahme ihrer Farmen gewehrt haben, werden sie gesucht, eingesperrt, getötet. Die Farmen haben die Menschen von ihren Eltern übernommen oder geerbt, das Land, das sie bebauen, gehört dem äthiopischen Staat.

Auf abenteuerlichen und gefährlichen Wegen sind die Oromo vielfältigen Gefahren ausgesetzt, ehe sie in Europa ankommen. Unterwegs haben sie viele Menschen sterben sehen. “Deutschland – das bedeutete für uns Gerechtigkeit, Demokratie und Freiheit”, berichtete einer der Oromo-Jungen. Wir sind von Land zu Land geflohen auf der Suche nach Sicherheit und Leben.

“Erst in Deutschland haben wir eine menschenwürdige Behandlung erfahren. Selbst in Italien mussten wir – Jungen wie Mädchen wie Kinder – auf der Straße schlafen, ohne Decke, ohne Essen und Trinken. Wir wollen hier lernen, und wenn es möglich ist, zurückkehren in unsere Heimat, um unser Wissen weiterzugeben.” Für die Frauen allerdings bedeutete Italien einen ebenfalls schwierigen Teil der Reise – sie waren allen Angriffen schutzlos ausgeliefert und hatten kaum eine ruhige Nacht.

Monika Lauterbach lernte die Gruppe als “freundlich, wohlerzogen und sehr höflich” kennen. Einmal wöchentlich trifft man sich. Als Dolmetscher hilft ein Landsmann, der schon länger in Hof ist und die deutsche Sprache gut beherrscht.

Inzwischen begleitet Lauterbach die jungen Menschen auch zu den Anhörungen nach Zirndorf. “Es ist gut, wenn jemand dabei ist, der Beistand leistet und bestimmte Dinge erklären und klären kann,” betont sie. Wie kann man erklären, dass ein Oromo keinen Pass besitzt? “Nicht viele Menschen in Äthiopien besitzen Pässe, Oromos bekommen Pässe zu den gleichen Bedingungen wie Ausländer – sie werden diskriminiert. Sie erhalten Pässe erst nach dem 18. Geburtstag, Geburtsurkunden gibt es in den seltensten Fällen.”

Gute Erfahrungen macht Lauterbach in der Zusammenarbeit mit der Stadt Hof, der Arbeitsagentur und der Volkshochschule in Hof. Vereinbarungen auf Regierungsebene zwischen Deutschland und Äthiopien sind ihrer Meinung nach höchst gefährlich, weil nicht mit offenen Karten gespielt wird. Die äthiopische Regierung hat nicht vor, die Rückkehrer beziehungsweise die ausgewiesenen Landsleute freizulassen und ihnen ihr Land zurückzugeben. Sie würden in Gefängnissen verschwinden.

Fast alle in der Gruppe haben in Äthiopien die Schule besucht. “Aber es reichte, dass ein Familienmitglied an einer Demonstration teilgenommen hat oder in der Freiheitsbewegung war, schon wurde die ganze Familie verfolgt”, berichtet einer der jungen Männer. Nun sind bereits zwei Kinder in Deutschland geboren. Eines besucht in Hof einen Kindergarten, das zweite ist noch ganz klein. Einige Gruppenmitglieder absolvieren Praktika, sind in der Berufsschule, manche haben bereits feste Arbeitsplätze, sie spielen Fußball in Vereinen. Sie sprechen Deutsch und sind auf der Suche nach Frieden und Normalität, wollen arbeiten und lernen und in Handwerksberufen Lehren machen.

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To All Peace Loving People -Worldwide United Tigreans Association Press Release

An Open Letter to All Peace Loving People

To the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia:

To all media outlets inside and outside Ethiopia;

To all opposition parties inside and outside Ethiopia; 

To all Ethiopians and Ethiopian origin in Diaspora; 

Ethiopia is known for having over eighty different ethnic groups. As Ethiopians we see our diversity in culture, language and other differences, as great assets.

Worldwide United Tigrean Association (WUTA) wants to build understanding and a healthy relationship with other Ethiopian ethnic people, while actively fighting to stop hate against any ethnic group at it roots. We have made it our mission to STOP ethnic HATE.

We urge all political parties to promote their policies and proposals without resorting to ethnic divisions. We must not hate!!

“The old law about ‘an eye for an eye’ leaves everybody blind. The time is always right to do the right thing.”   

Martin Luther King, Jr.

Let us all do the right thing!   United, let us make Ethiopia, the best home for all!!

The ethnic equality and the right of all citizens of Ethiopia to freely move about, to employ or be employed, to start a business, own property, to dwell in all Ethiopian territory as they please, is a legal right granted for all Ethiopian citizens. This should be clearly understood by all citizens, of all ethnic background(s), and all political, religious and civic organizations.

Dr. Martin L. King Jr. has said it better.

“We must come to see that the end we seek is a society at peace with itself, a society that can live with its conscience.”

WUTA strongly opposes any political party or individual(s) that glorify ethnic hate by contributing and playing a role in any form.  We, Ethiopians reject ethnic hate with the strongest terms possible.

Dear Ethiopians of all ethnic background,

Our organization, Worldwide United Tigrean Association (WUTA), was created after we saw a rise in hate messages on social media and other media outlets.  Our mission is to filter the ethnic hate being broadcasted by individuals on all forms of media outlets and counter challenge it, correct it, and replace it with common courtesy and respect toward one another.  Instead of hate, we can promote understanding at all times, while promoting peace.

We realize without honest, fair and timely correction of hateful propaganda, hate will continue to grow.

We believe people who stay quiet are as guilty as those who promote hate.  This shouldn’t happen under our watch. Never!!

We strongly believe in freedom of speech. Freedom of speech helps a country develop its democracy faster. It is a vital tool to combat corruption and help bring accountability. Freedom of speech also helps people have honest dialogue freely by which they can promote justice and equality for all so that Ethiopia is prosperous.

There is no way democracy can develop at the speed we desire without responsible journalism.  It is why we also request all media outlets to practice the journalism code of conduct to the best possible way. That will help speed up the development of a truly vibrant democracy.

We have seen what fake news has done to the American democracy.  Case and point; a conspiracy theory about Hilary Clinton running a child sex ring out of a pizza place was reported. A gun man then went there, fired a rifle inside the Washington, DC. restaurant, taking the law into his own hands.  All that was based on a conspiracy theory by a fake news outlet.  If the Government takes action against that particular news source, no one in their right mind will say freedom of speech was compromised.  And we further believe that website was shutdown.

We share a country with tremendous potential for a great tomorrow. It is why we all should learn from the history of yesteryear and participate in the opportunity that today provides to secure all the possibilities for tomorrow’s bright future for the children of Ethiopia who endured so many sufferings for so long already!!  Let us create new opportunities for peace, understanding, and positive thinking about one another.

We have competitor countries that are competing with us for our natural resources; countries that are working day and night to make us consumers, instead of producers and laborers, instead of employers.  We have to direct our effort into winning the economic war to eliminate hunger and all forms of poverty driven ills. We need to work together to compensate for the lost opportunities of the past and unite to eliminate all hardships and, especially, ethnic hate. Hate is one of the diseases we have to cure. All people must help to cure this sickness.

At the end, we must say, “Enough is Enough!”  Hate is a disease that benefits no one. We all must work hand and hand to make Ethiopia a success story once and for all.

Let us think Ethiopia first.

Former President John F. Kennedy of the United States of America once said “Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.”  Can we ask ourselves, as Ethiopians, what we can do for Ethiopia?… From now on forward?

We ask that we celebrate our oneness. We are all Ethiopians for God sake. But we also ask that we celebrate our uniqueness and diversity.

You see, Ethiopia is like a quilt, with different colors, sizes and textures in its making. These differences are what make Ethiopia rich in culture and unique in nature.  We should be curious about the uniqueness we Ethiopians bring to each other. It is the source of our wealth that should make us proud. That is why we should embrace our differences and move forward in harmony. No one ethnic group can complete Ethiopia without the rest of the Ethiopian ethnics.  It is all of us together that form that beautiful quilt called Ethiopia.

We must not allow anyone to impede Ethiopia from progressing forward however, we must also point out its weaknesses in order to enable it to change course and make necessary corrections to expedite its drive to achieve all the wishes of her children.  We all must help our country move forward to great things.  We believe our organization can help in one important area…that is by building bridges between different ethnics and by communicating the genuine good wishes, as well as, harmonious ethnic relationships amongst all.  Thus, we ask all peace, loving people of Ethiopia to help us by joining hands to discourage ethnic haters and encourage all Ethiopians to build trust amongst one another; respect our differences, and celebrate our oneness.

The good news is…facts on the ground tell us that the great majority of people of all ethnic background have love and respect for each other.   There is also more good news than bad in terms of ethnic cooperation, rather than not.

However, the bad news is that very few and we mean very, very few “haters” still have the ability to manipulate technology and broadcast hateful messages that are very destructive in every sense, as if, we as people are immersed in an ocean of hate. Ethiopians are better than that!

We are witnessing what hate is doing to our moral comfort. It is embarrassing!!  We must stop the rhetoric of hate at its roots by fighting back.

“There comes a time when silence is betrayal.”

Martin Luther King, Jr.

We must stop hate because of the following:

A- It is dangerous, and very destructive to our peace, unity, and growth.
B- It is morally Un-Ethiopian, as it is morally wrong and ethically bankrupting.

The above items are some of the reasons why we have come up with rules that we all should engage ourselves in.

We humbly ask all peace loving people to respect the following guidance as a starting point to show our cooperation in keeping our country safe for all. We owe it to ourselves and the next generations to come.

We also kindly ask all people to help us help the “haters” to come to their senses and support our cause to promote understanding amongst all peoples. This is our obligation.

1- Stop all ethnic insults on Facebook and any mass media.
2- If you are news media, we respectfully ask that you do not promote ethnic hate, rather respect and follow the journalism code of conduct by being ethical.
3- If anyone has a political issue, it is wise to address it in other effective and civilized manners at your disposal.  Please refrain from using ethnic hate as your tool to make your point.
4- Help assist in building peace and respect among the people.
5-If you see any person or organization promoting hate; you must act to discourage the actor or actors to stop it in a peaceful manner, because, you have a moral obligation to do so.  We will contact anyone or any organization who promotes ethnic hate and expose them.

WE WILL FIGHT BACK FIRMLY AND RESPONSIBLY!!

“We must live together as brothers or perish together as fools.”

Martin Luther King, Jr.

We are also in the process of discussing the above issues with lawyers and law enforcement agencies to legally deal with those who are in the business of promoting hate for their gain.   All Ethiopians should discourage this madness.

We invite all to join us in promoting good citizenship.   If you want to help, make suggestions or have a concern please write us at the above e-mail address. We appreciate any and all opinions.

May the almighty, who protected our forever beautiful motherland, Ethiopia, be with you in all the good things you do.

Thank you and peace and love!!

Our organization assures you; we neither support nor oppose any political party. We will work with any organization to promote peace and love in Ethiopia and among Ethiopians around the world.

We are thankful for all who are making positive contributions to help us move forward!!

Thank you.

Regards,

Berhane Alemayoh

On behalf of all the Board Members, and members of WUTA

Sorce: zehabesha

Worldwide United Tigreans Association WUTA

Dallas-Fort Worth Branch

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An Open Letter to Oromos (Only) Who are Still Under the Abyssinian Mental Slavery

By Habte Dafa

To secede is/was never the hypothesis of the Nation of Oromia. But reclaiming the Democratic Republic of Oromia is/was the proper paradigm starting from its occupation by the Abyssinian invading forces. Since then, yes, the Abyssinian did not only have changed the names of the Oromo vicinity replacing it by their colonial names, but they tried to erase the proud spirit of Orommumma in every humanly possible facet. Now, watching those Oromos who remained under the Abyssinian mental slavery, I am really ashamed by those who are more Abyssinian than the Abyssinians themselves, by trying to prove that they are the die-hard colonial Ethiopians by bashing and condemning the overdue independence journey of the Nation of Oromia. On the other hand, the Oromo people’s invaders do not trust them even if they swear million times that they are their trustworthy slave. Therefore, TPLF had imprisoned them even with all the unflinching Oromo Nationalists, and are keeping them locked-up till they submit to them totally. Therefore, what is preventing them from going all the way for the independence of Oromia? What will they lose except the colonial chains?

The truth remains, the journey for any National struggle is measured by how resolute and uncompromising the people are when it comes to their freedom. We are currently witnessing the boiling wave that resulted in irreversible enormity of TPLF that produced the unwavering resistances of the Oromo Nation for their freedom. The Oromo freedom generation are are beaming on TPLF the hurricane of dedications to liberate Oromia once and for all. Yes, we (me and you) have a choice: 1) to stand with our Qeerroo/Qubee generation and help them to achieve their overdue goal of liberating Oromia, or 2) remain propagating how to save the dying colonial empire while isolated, or imprisoned by the TPLF- Abyssinian regime on power.

What every walking soul of the Oromo citizens needs to realize is that the old hymns of the colonial Ethiopia, is gone forever and the sun had already set upon it. It will never come again, believe me. Therefore, we need to wake-up and grasp the reality before it would be too late, this is a new era and new ways and methodologies of National struggle.

Overall without much vouching idealistic and unrealistic goals, I chose to be realistic and to stand with the Oromo Nation’s Freedom generation and do all that I can do to see the determined, selfless and unflinching sacrifices our young generation will not be in vain, but should and will succeed in decolonizing Oromia.

Oromia shall be free,

Ulfaadhaa.

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Synopses of the Network of Oromo Studies first international conference held in London

17-18 December, 2016. It is with great pleasure that we announce NOS successfully completed its first international conference from 17-18th of December 2016 convened at the University of East London, UK. Research papers at the conference included by researchers from Sweden, Norway, USA, Czech Republic, Belgium, and Italy, and from Universities in the United Kingdom.

The opening ceremony was blessed by Oromo elders followed by supportive speech by Oromo Community UK leaders representative on behalf of the Oromo community in the UK. The conference was officially opened by Dr Gizaw Tasissa, Director of NOS followed by a keynote speech by renowned Oromo academic, writer and researcher Professor Mekuria Bulcha which covered the historical development of Oromo studies in Diaspora since the 1970’s to its present day.

What is encouraging is the variety of papers presented at NOS conference: which covered Oromo culture, Oral history, Oromo national memory, globalisation and its implication to Oromo, the role of Oromo Women in Oromo national struggle, and Afaan Oromo standardisation both in Afaan Oromo and English. What is more, there were contributors to the conference from scholars as young as 17 year old who has taken the trouble to collect first data oral history from Oromo elders to writers and researchers working in established academic institutions and others scholars working as independent researchers.

Some of the unique features of the conference were the presentation of papers in Afaan Oromo and English, book display and poster in Afaan Oromo on a wide range of issues from contributors who couldn’t make to the conference in person. We would like to thank all those who have made the NOS 2016 conference a success.

The conference ended with a discussion on how best NOS could improve the future conference, how to form alliance with academics in UK, in Oromia and USA and Canada.

The Network of Oromo Studies (NOS) is a scholarly endeavour to promote and encourage research in Oromo language, history and culture, as well as science, technology, medicine and other spheres of life pertinent to Oromia. NOS, although newly instituted in the UK in 2015, is a consolidation of years of ad hoc Oromo Studies in the UK since 2003. NOS works in close collaboration and with Oromo Studies Association, and other Oromo academic institutions such as Oromo Society of Science and Technology, universities in Oromia and here in the UK. NOS has particularly benefited from years of OSA’s experience in developing its organizational framework.

For further information about NOS please visit: http://networkoromostudies.com/

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Dr. Merera Gudina of the Opposition OFC Facing Potential Charges of Terrorism

Addis Abeba (Addis Standard) – The federal high court Arada branch has today granted the police additional 28 days to remand and investigate prominent opposition leader, Dr. Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).

The police have told the court that they were investigating Dr. Merera for “potential offenses related to terrorism,” indicating that the opposition leader, who the government maintains was only detained under the six-month state of emergency, is now likely facing potential charges of terrorism.

Speaking to the judge, Dr. Merera vehemently denied any terrorism allegations and said that he has spent his life teaching against the ideals of violence and terrorism, according to his lawyers. The hearing this afternoon was conducted in closed court as families, friends, colleagues and diplomats who have come to witness the hearing were all kept out of the court room.

Dr. Merera was detained upon arrival in Addis Abeba after finishing a tour to several European countries for more than three weeks.  During his tour Dr. Merera delivered a speech to members of the European Union Parliament on current political crisis and human rights violations in Ethiopia. Dr. Merera was joined by two other prominent invitees: Dr. Berhanu Nega, leader of the opposition Patriotic Ginbot 7 (G7), which is designated by Ethiopia’s ruling party dominated parliament as a “terrorist organization” and is now actively fighting the regime from the northern part of the country, and athlete Feyisa Lilessa, Olympic silver medalist who gave a significant impetus to a year-long Oromo protest that gripped Ethiopia when he crossed his arms in an X sign at the finishing line.

The government continued to maintain Dr. Merera is detained only for violating a section of the State of Emergency which prohibits contacts with “terrorist organizations”.

In a statement issued released on Dec. 20^th, The Ethiopian embassy in Brussels, Belgium, said “Dr Merera Gudina was arrested…for violating directives of the state of emergency.”

“Despite his awareness of these provisions, Dr. Merera Gudina allegedly met and discussed with the leader of a group listed as terrorist in Brussels from 7-9 November 2016. Hence, the arrest of Dr Merera Gudina is not related with the meeting in the European Parliament but the alleged discussion with the leader of a terrorist group. If this meeting is confirmed by the investigation, this would have to be considered as a clear and deliberate violation of the state of emergency.”

According to Ethiopia’s infamous Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009, police investigating potential suspects of terrorism can obtain from a court four months of each 28 days to remand and further investigate suspects.

Arguing for the additional 28 days of remand, the police have told the court that they were translating e-mails, electronic files, other documents and banking details related to Dr. Merera. An internal memo from a private bank which was circulating on social media since yesterday allegedly shows the Bank’s request to all its departments to provide the police all the banking details of Dr. Merera Gudina dating back to one year from Nov. 30 2015 to Nov. 30, 2016.

Today’s request to remand Dr. Merera Gudina is the second since his arrest on Nov. 30^th. The next hearing is set for January 26, 2017.

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Memoirs of My Detention at Awash 7: Tales of Indoctrination, of Laughter and the Unknown

By BefeQadu Z. Hailu for Addis Standard

(Addis Standard) — Wakoma Tafa was planning to get married on Sunday, Oct.10, 2016. But just three days before his wedding he was arbitrarily detained around Alem Gena, 25k west of Addis Abeba, a city within the special zone of the Oromia Regional State.  On the day set for his wedding, Wakoma was taken to Awash 7 Federal Police Training Center, which is now serving as a temporarily ‘rehab center’ (Tehadiso Maekel) to discipline ‘suspected’ political protesters detained under Ethiopia’s sweeping State of Emergency.

I met Wakoma when, after being detained in Addis Abeba, I was transferred to Awash 7 along with 242 other ‘suspects’ from Addis Abeba. Together, we were a total of 1180 people.

From day one to the last of 33 days of stay I had in Awash 7, Wakoma was suffering nosebleeds on a daily basis. I asked him what happened to him and he told me he was beaten by an officer in Awash 7 during an interrogation. Nurses of the Center’s clinic visited him every day but couldn’t stop his nosebleeds.

Tragically, Wakoma was not the only one beaten. Most of the 933 ‘suspects’ who were kept in Awash 7 for 40 days before our arrival have sustained varying degrees of rights violations.  The day we arrived at the Center we saw many youngsters wearing worn-out, dirty shirts, walking barefoot in a row of two. A fellow detainee likened the image “like we are watching the movie series ‘Roots’“.

Then, our turn came to be paraded to the toilets dug in the backyard of the Center’s compound. We had already removed our sandals, as instructed. The rocky gravel path was hard to walk on barefoot but the yelling of the officers who dangle their sticks to beat us from behind was enough to endure running on it. We were told to hold hand in hand and walk in a row of two. When we reached the toilet pits, we were told to sit side by side and do our business. None of us were willing to do it the first day. (Later on, we have accepted that it was the new normal we had to get used to.)

We were then taken to a hall and given a half cup of tea and two loaves of bread. I saw the youngsters who were there before us enjoying the additional loaf of bread they got –before our arrival they used to have only one during breakfasts.  We sat on the floor and ate. We were then taken to a field; the temperature was too hot to be without a roof or a tree shadow, but it didn’t mean anything to the officers who gave us our first day orientations. We were placed in rows as they repeatedly make records of our profiles and mixed us with the previous detainees. Here we were given different group names such as Hiddase Hayil, Selam Hayil, and Ghibe Hayil, among others.

When we came back to the compound we were distributed into 10 different rooms each containing more than 100 detainees. Each room has 16 double-deck beds enough only for 32 people; the rest of us have to share the mattresses on the floor. The rooms have ventilators but not enough to cool the temperature. And despite the soaring heat, we were told that we cannot sit on the verandas. On top, there was not enough water even to drink. I asked a guy next to me if we have a chance to wash our feet. He told me we will not, and said in more than 40 days, he only had two chances to wash his feet. (Later on, after we have complained too much, we were allowed to take shower on Sundays. But by the time I left after 33 long days, I too had only two chances to wash.)

Later on we went for lunch and were given two loaves of bread with shiro wot, (the traditional chickpea powder stew), and went back to our rooms. We were then paraded again to the same toilet pits (being taken twice was a change; for 40 days the previous arrivals were only allowed to do that once in the morning.) In the evening, we were given two loaves of bread with kik wot (ground chickpea stew). This remained our daily routine throughout our stay at the Center, except for when we would sit for training in between meals on weekdays and on Saturdays.

The next day, a team sent by the Command Post, a special unit formed to implement the State of Emergency and is led by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, arrived from Addis Abeba to begin our training.  They gathered us and informed us that we were going to start the training immediately. They also promised us we would be allowed to wear our shoes. But unfortunately, nearly half of the 933 detainees who were there before us had no shoes when they were brought to the Center 40 days before our arrival.

Nevertheless, we began the training late that day and a few days later, the Center distributed sandals, T-shirts and shorts that were confiscated by Customs officials from contrabandists at several checkpoints. We heard that there might be a TV crew from the national TV.

A team to monitor reports of human rights violations came the next week and spoke with a few selected individuals. Notable opposition party members such as Abebe Akalu, Eyasped Tesfaye, and Blen Mesfin were among the selected individuals. They reported in detail the rights violations we were subjected to and the team promised to further investigate; but later on we learned that the EBC, the state-broadcaster, reported about the human right monitors’ visits but only about claims of logistic problems, leaving entirely our complaints of rights violation.

Befeqadu’s certificate of graduation

In came the training

The training has contained six different modules. Each page of the module is water marked with the phrase ‘Don’t Copy’. They were neither emailed nor faxed but physically brought by the different trainers on the same day when the training was scheduled to take place.  We had, for example, lost a day of training in between because the teams delivering the third module were delayed.

The modules were prepared in Afaan Oromo and in Amharic. But nearly 900 of us took the Afaan Oromo classes while the rest of us attended the Amharic classes. The training took 28 days including 6 days of evaluation at the end of each course.

‘Never Again (‘ayidegemim)’ 

This was the title of the first module. Its content has details about Ethiopia’s double digit economic growth over the last 13 consecutive years and says it is an economic progress that doesn’t deserve to be challenged with a violent protest. Although it also talks about the government’s failure to deliver good governance, it goes on to sat that there were constitutional ways of demanding the government to correct its problems than taking to the streets.

‘Color Revolution (yeqelem abiyot)’ –

The second module blames Ethiopia’s external enemies, the neo-liberal countries and countries such as Egypt and Eritrea that are using domestic weaknesses to disintegrate Ethiopia and benefit from it. It looks back at the incidents when it claims the concept of conducting ‘color revolutions’ were attempted in Ethiopia and mentions as an example the student protests of the Addis Abeba University (AAU) in 2000, the post-election 2005 protests, pre-election 2010, the time the followed the death of the late Meles Zenawi in 2012, pre-election 2014, and also during the recent protests in Oromia and Amhara. It also talks about the failed attempts of western forces’ alleged use of local agents, such as the Zone9 Bloggers Collective, to which I am a member, to ignite a ‘color revolution’ in Ethiopia. ’

‘Some points on Ethiopian History (ye–Itiyopia tarik andand gudayoch)’ –

This one goes to narrate the political history of Ethiopia starting from ancient times, (it escaped what happened during the medieval times and resumes from Emperor Hailesilase’s era through the present). It depicts the failure of previous regimes to respect the nation’s ethnic, religious and cultural diversity and claims the incumbent has answered all by way of the current constitution. ‘

‘Constitutional Democracy (higemengistawi democracy)’ –

This module tells the story of constitutionalism including that of the Magna Carta and goes on to discuss how Ethiopia’s constitutions had evolved through time. It criticizes the non-participating nature of the previous constitutions during Emperor Hailesilase I and the Derg times. It praises, in comparison, the great participation by the public and the democratic relevance it had during the adoption of the current constitution.

‘The future is for Ethiopian Renaissance (mechiw gize ye’itiyopia tinsae naw)’

Ethiopia’s enemy number one is poverty, this module says, and goes on to discuss that the domestic discontent created by poverty is exploited by foreign elements to weaken Ethiopia as a proud state. Accordingly, it emphasizes the importance of focusing on economic development, such as building grand infrastructures and attracting foreign investments, to avoid dependency on aid providers of the neoliberal world.

‘The Role of the Youth on Nation Building (ye wetatu mina be ager ginbata lay)’

The youth is a force that can easily be emotionally driven by misinformation, substance addiction and so on, says this module. It is an advise designed to highlight the importance of proving any information before reacting to it; it also notes that the youth should use its potential to create jobs to change the fate of her/his country than seeking employment or taking a short cut, such as by migrating to other countries.

My trained-self‘s take

The modules are biased; they are prepared to present the political narrative of the ruling coalition, EPRDF, as the best alternative we could ever get. On the third module, for instance, it compares liberal democracy with revolutionary democracy, the age-old vague ideology of the ruling party, and concludes that revolutionary democracy is the best Ethiopia can get; it mixes the party’s ideology with the constitution, too.  Funnily, it also misses a lot of simple facts such as the exact age of the late PM Meles Zenawi, (in an attempt to place him in a similar age range of 15 -35, the working average of Ethiopia’s youth, it claims the late PM was 31 when he came to power in 1991.) Other public records say he was actually 36.

Sadly, to many of the trainees tortured in the Center itself, the last module praises the regime for creating a better generation, but blames the same generation for failing to understand the differences in human rights violations between previous regimes and the current one.

The discussions

The trainers (they are Federal Police officers) were the ones who read and explained to us the first two modules. They told us every question and comment we had will be faxed to the Command Post every day. They also wrote our names with our comments. These restricted the active participation of ‘trainees’ due to fear of persecution. I believe it is why, later on, they let us read the modules by ourselves and discuss about the contents while writing our questions and comments. They also stopped writing the names of ‘trainees’ who give comments. Subsequently, for the last four modules we were simply given questions about the next module’s content, we then write our answers in groups containing 20 to 30 people, and read our answers to the general gathering. We will then continue reading and discussing the module in our respective groups before men from the Command Post came to answer our questions and comments for the general gathering.

We had had three general gathering groups: one Amharic group and two Afaan Oromo groups. As there were many individuals who have different and rich experiences, this way of discussion helped many trainees to exchange constructive ideas and understand the complex political situation of the country from one another.

The trainers and representatives from the Command Post made the closing speeches at the end of the reading and discussion of each module. They gave us their version of answers to the non-stop questions by many of us on why we were there in the first place. Their answers can be generalized in to two: one group says we were there because officials have information that we have taken part in protests but didn’t have the evidence to take us to court; and the other group says officials were certain that we have taken part in the protests but did so due to misinformation. The latter explains why representatives of the Command Post (Hayil Medrek Merrys) have repeatedly condemned foreign-based Ethiopian media, such as ESAT and OMN, as well as social media sites such as Facebook. When we challenge, ask questions or give comments to their assertions, the representatives quickly blame these media for having misinformed us instead of giving us proper answers.

But these representatives from the Command Post were contradictory to one another. One of them whom we know by his first name, Addisu, for example, was very articulate. He was the one who gave the final remarks at the end of the first two modules. He carefully avoided responding to controversial questions and even apologized for the wrongful mention of the Zone9 Blogging Collective as a ‘western agent’ after the group was acquitted by a court of law.

But on the other hand was another member of the command post named Colonel Mulugeta. He was too foul-mouthed while trying to answer to our concerns that two trainees have tried to commit suicide.  The next day other members had to apologize for his rude remarks. He even said court acquittals can be reversed by executives and gave us as an example the court case for former defense minister, Siye Abraha. Unsurprisingly, at the end of the training, he was the most disliked member of the command post.

The third and the last member of the command post, Commander Abebe, gave closing remarks to each of the last three modules. He is a very polite person but unflinchingly loyal to the ruling EPRDF than the loyalty he was supposed to display to – the constitution. He took questions, listened to comments and gave answers similar to what senior cadres of the ruling EPRDF give all the time, but politely. He flatly denies the presence of human rights violation in Ethiopia, even though most trainees spoke of their experience of rights violations there at the center.

Things that kept us going

Jokes made by some fellow detainees made all of us laugh and forget our conditions. Political humors told by men like Habtamu Gebre and Zerihun were unforgettable. One ordinary day Habtamu told us a joke in front of Commander Abebe: “A man on a street shouts out saying ‘let EPRDF reign for a thousand years, let it reign for a thousand years’” Habtamu said, “Then a federal police officer stopped him and beat him hard. The man, as scared as he was, asked what his fault was and the policeman replied ‘who will replace EPRDF after a thousand years?’” ”

Zerihun even came up with fresh jokes animating the way our trainers behaved and the way we were treated. At first we were served with ‘kik wot‘ for dinner and when they later on stopped serving us with it, Zerihun joked “kik wot is released from the center.”

A sour reminder about most detainees who came from Addis Abeba, however, is the fact that a considerable number of them have complained to the officials saying they were there as victims of personal revenge. Some have said their names were tipped to arresting officers by someone with whom they have had previous disagreements. Similarly, most detainees from the Oromia regional state maintained they have fallen victims for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

But all of us were there and had no option but to take the Tehadiso (rehabilitation) course to see the day that we were promised to be released. So we resorted to spending those trying times comforting each other, exchanging tips on how to survive the water scarcity, the horrible taste of the food served, the propaganda indoctrination and the daunting insecurity ahead of us.

And we were happy for the smallest gesture done to improve our situation. One of the members of the command post, Commander Abebe, for example, has done some improvements in the way we were treated (we began getting a full cup of tea during breakfast after his visit) and we showed him our relative respect. He also arranged for us to sit on benches during meal times and watch night shows on a screen.

We were made to watch four documentaries: two about the recent destruction by protesters of foreign owned investments in Ethiopia and two about the ruthless crimes of the previous regime, the Derg. For reasons many of us didn’t understand, one of the documentaries was about the infamous market day bombing by the Derg’s military of the city of Hawzen in Tigray. The last one was about the bravery of members of the TPLF army in either destroying the Derg or recovering Hawzen from its past wounds. The rest of the days, we would just be taken out during the evenings and be showed songs up until 8:00 PM and the nighttime news bulletin from the national broadcaster, EBC.

One of the musics they have regularly sowed us on the screen was the Afaan Oromo song, ‘Madda Seenaa’ by artist Teferi Mekonen. Ironically, Teferi Mekonen was detained there with us. On our “graduation” day, he was invited to sing on the stage. He pleased us all by singing the politically charged song, ‘Maalan Jira’, by the prominent Oromo artist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa.

Sadly, though, Teferi Mekonen is re-arrested. I was shocked to see him in a prison here in Addis Abeba when I went to visit my friends, journalists Annania Sori and Elias Gebru, whom I only came to know about their arrest the day I was released. What a vicious cycle!

Of the ‘trainees, 17 were women and one of them is pregnant. There were also about 15 underage boys. Old or young, women or men, minor or adult, we were all in it together and we all survived.

The very last days

After it was known that we were on the last module, everybody was excited and began to relax. Even the usually shrewd guards of the Center left us relatively free to move around the compound. Smiles were flickering on previously gloomy faces; hairs were growing on shaved heads. Beautiful we became. A day before we left the center, we were told that we will be wearing a white T-shirt on which the words ‘ayidegemim/Irra hin deebi’amu’ (never again) were printed in both Amharic and Afaan Oromo. None of us hesitated to wear it; it is fresh and clean and our souls were desperately looking beyond the center and into getting back to our homes; we were exhausted and we were looking forward to resume our lives that we have left behind.

The next morning was December 22, our so-called graduation day and the day we left Awash 7 behind. But I only believed it when I arrived in Piassa and re-joined my family and my friends. In the back of my head, I was also hoping the 28 years old Wakoma would be enjoying the company of his love. May be re-organize his wedding party again?

Cover sketch: Befeqadu’s re-creation of the toilet pits

Inside photo: Befeqadu wearing his white graduation T-shirt, visibly looking malnourished after being released

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Resolutions of the Oromoo Liberation Front National Council (OLF-NC)

(December 27, 2016)

The Oromo Liberation Front National Council (OLF-NC) held its regular meeting from December 16th to 25th, 2016 and passed pertinent resolutions after careful evaluations of the organization’s performances and analysis of issues that affect the Oromo national liberation struggle.

The Oromo liberation struggle for the right of self-determination led by the OLF enjoys overwhelming participation of the Oromo people, who continue to pay unparalleled sacrifices. The ongoing non-violent uprising led by the Oromo youth, the Qeerroo, in particular has gained far reaching popularity across the world and support not only from the Oromo people but also from others has shaken the regime to its foundation. However, this non-violent movement is being met with unparalleled cruelty from the government.

Despite Ethiopian government’s genocidal campaigns to suppress the Oromo national liberation struggle, the achievements registered by our organization and the Oromo people in general, during the recent months in particular, has been commended by the Council. The Council has further resolved that the OLF shall continue to play the leading role and further intensify the struggle using all available means till the liberation of Oromo people is achieved.

The Council fully recognizes the immense sacrifices made by the Oromo people in intensifying the ongoing liberation struggle in the recent past. The sacrifices made by the OLF members in general and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), cadres and the Oromo Youth National Movement (Qeerroo) in particular have brought our liberation struggle to a new height. In particular, the Council applauded the non-violent moment of the Oromo people, Amhara, Sidamo, Konso and others, that has exposed the savage nature of the regime. The Council urges all these elements of the liberation forces and others to redouble their efforts to further intensify the struggle till final victory is attained.

The Council has discussed in depth the necessity and importance of unity of purpose on the Oromo national liberation struggle among Oromo nationals of all walks of life, at this particular time than ever before. The council reaffirming its full commitment to the achievement of the Oromo people’s right to self-determination and strongly urges all Oromo political forces and others to put aside their minor tactical differences and stand shoulder to shoulder to combat the Ethiopian colonial rule that is an existential threat to all of us. The Council also appraised the progress made in the implementation of the agreement recently signed with three other Oromo political organizations and instructed the Executive Committee to continue to fulfill the organization’s obligations contained in the agreement

The Council has discussed in depth the enemy’s unrelenting effort to foment division among the oppressed people of the Empire and decided to continue the OLF’s commitment to strengthen the People’s Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD). In addition, the Council has instructed the Executive Committee to further broaden the holly alliance of PAFD program and embrace all nations and nationalities that aspire for the right of self-determination.

The Council strongly admonishes the brutal regime of Ethiopia, led by the Tigrean political elites who are the enemy of the people including the Tigrean people, for its unrelenting cruel acts of genocide against the civilian population. The regime has continued targeting the Oromo people with brutal force. More than any time, the Oromo people are subjected to extrajudicial killings, disappearance, torture, mass arrest, harassment, banishment and imprisonment in villages, towns and cities. We call upon all forces in Ethiopia opposed to the regime and struggling for liberation, freedom and peace to rise up in unison and get rid of this brutal and inhuman regime.

The unremitting gross violation of dignity and the inalienable right to freedom of the Oromo people and of others by the incumbent Ethiopian regime has been the source of political crisis, sufferings of the population and instability in general in the Ethiopian empire and in the Horn of Africa as a whole. The Council has come to realize that the international community, except a few human rights organizations, has turned blind eye to the injustices perpetrated by the TPLF/EPRDF regime against the Oromo people and others. Despite credible reports by Human Rights Organizations and Media about the misuse of the assistance given to the regime some western governments in particular have continued to actively support the tyrannical regime by providing the means of persecution. The Oromo Liberation Front National Council strongly urges these governments to review their policies towards this oppressive regime and instead back the genuine struggle of the people for freedom and equality which could serve for lasting peace.

Victory to the Oromo People!

Oromoo Liberation Front National Council.

December 27, 2016

Read more in PDF

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New Year’s Message from  HRLHA

“It always Seems Dark Until the Sun Rises”

December 31, 2016

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) is delighted to be closing 2016. The organization is deeply grateful to its valued Board members, reporters, members, and supporters for their extraordinary  efforts to help the HRLHA continue to be the voice for the voiceless in the Horn of Africa in general and in Ethiopia in particular this year.

In 2016, the Horn of Africa Region remains one of the most volatile regions in the world. The civilian unrest in Ethiopia, the civil war in S. Sudan, and Somalia, the mass exodus from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia  to neighboring countries away from executions and famine, were some of the notable crucial problems in the region.

The year of  2016 has been a year of sorrows and chaos for nations  and nationalities in Ethiopia, due to the deplorable evil actions taken by Ethiopian government killing agents against peaceful Oromo, Amhara and Konso protests in which the Oromo, Amhara, Konso and other  nations and nationalities simply tried to exercise their fundamental rights to present their grievances. During the peaceful protests in Oromia, which have been going on for over one  year  in Amhara regional states and Konso Zone,  a number of citizens have been massacred, incarcerated, tortured and disappeared. Due to its mistreatment of its citizens, the government lost control over the country as  a whole and then declared a state of emergency to quell the dissent. Since the state of emergency was declared  on October 8, 2016,  many gross human rights violations have been registered- killings, abductions, and imprisonments. These continue to the present day among Oromo and Amhara nationals.

The staff members and reporters of HRLHA have worked  tirelessly to  expose the government of Ethiopia’s tyranny and defend and promote human rights in 2016; their work this year has been at its most intense than any of the past nine years. We gave maximum efforts to bring to light the atrocities in Ethiopia in a challenging environment characterized by administrative sanctions on mass media, including social media, email, telephone, sanctions designed to hide the atrocities the government killing agents were committing.

We are  greatly indebted to  HRLHA members, reporters and supporters who have shown courage and stood with us on this front to deliver their responsibilities of monitoring and reporting human rights abuses in Ethiopia under such difficult situations.

The HRLHA believes that 2016  was the darkest year in the history of the Oromo  nation. To give just one example, a mother and father lost their three sons in one night in their home to the government killing squad Agazi force. The mother was forced by the killers to sit on her son’s dead body. In other cases, women were raped in front of their husbands. These are just to mention  a few of the crimes known to have been perpetuated against Ethiopians by the dictatorial TPLF/EPRDF government crime groups. The HRLHA believes, however, that behind the darkness there is light for which we must continue fighting “It always Seems Dark Until the Sun Rises”.   It might seem that  the fight for our  basic and fundamental rights is over,  due to the repressions by the dictatorial TPLF/EPRDF government for  over the past twenty five years  since its formation in 1991. But it is not yet over, we should not give up, we must continue fighting for our rights until we win.

Therefore, in 2017, we must redouble the fight to protect human rights, democracy and equality by exposing  the dishonesty of the Ethiopian government to its ordinary citizens, and also to its political party members and government authorities.

The biggest fight of all, however, is the struggle for the well-being of all Ethiopians, for equality, and for the elimination of all forms of discrimination. It is also the most difficult because the present reality still hits hard at those who live through the anxiety and anguish of poverty and violence.

Finally, the HRLHA urges all peace, democracy and  human rights lovers, governments, government and non-government agencies to work together, so that the core values of peace, democracy, human rights, security and development will be restored in the Horn of Africa region in the incoming year of 2017.

“Let us strive together to make  all expectations and goals for each day be fulfilled on the day itself, to remove the darkness in the past  and to bring a brighter future in the incoming year of 2017 “

“We Fight For Human Rights!”

Happy New year for all!!

Garoma B. Wakessa
Director, HRLHA

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This is the Ethiopia we can’t forget! – By Rundassa Asheetee Hunde

Irreechaa Massacre in Bishoftu, Oromia, October 2, 2016

Killing and jailing has been the meaningful expression of the Abyssinians power and their symbolic way of self-righteous response to the Oromo defiance against colonialism. Those who believed that exercising peaceful means of struggle under the Tigreans colonial rule must finally learn what it means to exercise military force.

My long standing position about the impossibility to remove the Tigre colonial rule via peaceful means may have seemed unrealistic to the lovers of empire Ethiopia at first glance, but now it must be clear whose view contradict with reality.

The evil empire which the Amharic speaking groups regard as symbol of their freedom survived so far by denying the Oromo people the right to life and peace. Like the Abyssinian rulers before them, the Tigrean colonists are killing and jailing the Oromians today in order to save their evil empire and the incarceration  of Dr. Marara Gudina affirms that the only way of saving empire Ethiopia is by murdering and by jailing the Oromians.  In light of such declarations and in view of such testimony, one must be able to understand why tens of thousands are willingly pay such a terrible price with their lives.  The simple answer for this is that the Oromians are paying such hefty prices in order to redeem themselves from shame of living under a small tribe colonial rue.

On the other hand however, because the killer tribe and it’s supporters are greatly benefiting from the agony of the oromians who cry in empire Ethiopia’s prisons and all over the fields where they were shot and left to bleed to death, they have to continue hanging to power. For example,  because the relatives of the incarcerated are willing to pay out of fear, the OPDO pimps and spies are collecting hundreds of millions of birr on weekly basis from the relatives of those who are suffering in jails and prisons while also soliciting sex to their Tigrean masters.  Mean time, amid all these, the bitter mockery of trial continues to go on forcing thousands to wear a white t-shirt with the writing on it ” We  are sorry for our action and this will never happen again!”

“Aylemedeniim,” the writing across the white T-shirt of course, intended to symbolize the Tigre vicious crown of power obtained from the tears of the Oromo mothers, from the flesh of young Oromo children scattered allover Oromia’s soil, from the blood that spilled on the streets and the university dorms and from the burned skin of young Oromo boys and girls whose body was set a blaze in Ambo, Qallitti, Ziway and Qilinxoo prisons.

Nevertheless, all things considered, millions of colonized people are willing to face the harsh reality that Ethiopianism has brought upon them and are sharing the burden of the harsh realities that the Abyssinians have created for them today.   Olbaanaa Leelisa and tens of thousands of Oromians, Ogadenians and Sidaamas may suffer today from this terrifying pain which caused by the pulling of their nails out or when their hands and feet were pierced with sharp knives, when heavy objets hanged on men’s testicles and Tigreans fevered torture is exercised on the bodies that they suspend from the ceiling.  This is the Ethiopia, the instrument of  colonized people’s torture chamber, the terrible device designed to destroy the Oromo Peace, the evil recompense of freedom and equality that we can not forget. This is a united Ethiopia that thrives by murdering and torturing the Oromo that we can’t forget.

We cannot forget this Ethiopia. We must never forget her, because she sucked life out of our young, old, educated and educated. We can’t forget the gloom and the darkness of the slavery that Ethiopia have brought upon us and drained away the hopes of most ardent and knowing men and women of Oromia so that the colonizers can have this everlasting pleasure out of  Oromians sorrowful life.

The young men and women who were wounded or lost their limbs during the anti slavery revolt now sit somewhere in Oromia and ponder as to when Ethiopia’s slavery will end.  Like the remaining millions, they wish to see Waraana Bilisummaa Oromo to emerge and tell everyone that they have not forgotten the Ethiopia that cut off their legs, took out their eyes and destroyed their hopes.

The is the Ethiopia that all the born and unborn Oromians, the Sidaamas, the Affar and Ogadenians are the witnesses and will continue to testify how her glorious vision destroyed their and will continue to fight her until the truth is restored.  Like the rest, I too now bear solemn testimony that the vicious killing and murder that is going on all over empire Ethiopia provides us all the strength needed to stay committed to the liberation struggle.

And so, we shall remain believing that Ethiopia is the symbol of death and shame for the colonized majority and we shall continue fighting her  singing;

Because of the killed Oromians we live,
Triumphant and victorious we believe,
Hence, the Agazii army can’t degrade
Our dream to be free to the end!
We shall march forward with faith,
To overcome Ethiopia’s racist death,
We will fight to our last breath!

Rundassa Asheetee Hundee
Dec, 2016

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OPride’s Oromo Person of The Year 2016: The Qubee Generation

by Mohammed A

(OPride) — For inspiring and moving the world with their disciplined courage and bravery in the face of relentless state brutality, for bringing the dream of freedom ever closer to being realized, for their bold commitment to a cause greater than self, for finally forcing the world to pay attention to the plight of Oromo people and for rejuvenating and energizing the Oromo movement and bringing it to the cusp of victory, the Qubee Generation is OPride’s Oromo Person (s) of the year 2016.

For over a year, Ethiopia teetered and tottered to contain protests roiling the Oromia state, home to the Oromo people, the country’s largest ethnic group. The grim year not only tested the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF’s, quarter-century stranglehold over the country but also the limits of human perseverance against determined state action.

Although similar demonstrations have taken place in the Amhara state, Oromia remained the epicenter of the widespread and sustained anti-government protests throughout 2016. Few, if any, of Oromia’s 560 towns and 180 districts, escaped the growing anger and revolt of ordinary citizens against the central state.

From Ginchi to Ajje, Guliso to Nekemte, Awaday to Dallo Mana, and anywhere in between, students, parents and teachers as townsfolk and farmers fought side by side to challenge the social, economic and political marginalization of the Oromo people in Ethiopia. The Oromo constitute nearly half of Ethiopia’s 100 million people, but they remain marginalized.

For the first 10 months of 2016, millions across Oromia took to the streets, demanding an end to forceful dispossession of their ancestral land, the land grab, the release of political prisoners, and the rule of law as opposed to the rule by the gun and prison. Ethiopian security forces responded to peaceful protesters as they always do: Using an excessive and disproportionate force, including live bullets as a standard crowd-control tool. But the state’s extraordinary measures only engendered more anger and inspired more street protests.

In fact, both the protests and the official brutality were unprecedented, even by EPRDF’s checkered history of violence. Security forces killed more than 1,000 people in Oromia alone in 2016. Hundreds were wounded. And the besieged state saw record levels of arrests with legions disappearing in the maze of military training facilities acting as a concentration-like prisoner holding camps. Tens of thousands, including nearly all top leaders of the only “legal” Oromo opposition party, the Oromo Federalist Congress, remain incarcerated on dubious terrorism charges.

The protests began in November 2015, initially over opposition to an urban master plan that sought to expand the boundaries of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, gobbling up Oromo towns, farmlands, and villages.

Sheer horror

The year’s biggest tragedy took place on the sacred grounds of Hora Arsadi, in Bishoftu, about 25 miles southeast of Addis Ababa. On Sunday, October 2, an estimated 2 million people made the annual pilgrimage to Bishoftu’s ancient crater lake to observe Irreechaa, a premier Oromo thanksgiving holiday that has become the symbol and celebration of Oromummaa (the Oromo identity) itself.

On the millennia-old Irreecha celebration, the Oromo give thanks to their creator (Waaqa) for the bountiful harvests of Birra (spring) and to renew their hopes and aspirations for future after a dark, rainy winter season.

But 2016 was not an ordinary year for the Oromo. The mood ahead of this year’s Irreechaa was predictably tense. Staying true to tradition, the youth arrived in Bishoftu from across Oromia fervently singing resistance songs and chanting anti-government slogans. The protesters’ impatience was palpable even the night before Irreechaa. While there were no major incidents for much of the morning, it was clear that the sea of youth came to Arsadi to make a stand — a statement. Early in the afternoon, as the chorus of protests grew louder, a standoff ensued near the main stage where officials give speeches and traditional leaders offer blessings.

What happened next was tragic beyond words: sheer horror ensued as security forces fired tear gas and live bullets into millions gathered in a confined space. The crowd was surrounded by heavily armed security forces, a lake, deep gorges and ditches. As shots began to ring out from above the crater, festival goers ran for their lives. But they had no way out, encircled as they were by gun-toting officers from the left and shrub-covered ditches on the right side, and a deep lake from below.

At least 678 people died in the ensuing stampede, according to OFC officials and hospital sources. It’s the darkest hour in contemporary Oromo history. Innocent lives were lost on a day they came to celebrate their culture and heritage. The day will forever be remembered as the “Irreechaa massacre,” an extraordinarily savage and horrific tragedy in which the Ethiopian security forces caused the death of hundreds of Oromos.

Read more at Opride

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Personal Ambition the source of our weakness

By Rundassa Asheetee Hundee

Many people wonder why the Oromians fail to accomplish what the Tigreans have accomplished. The answer of this question, many said, are tribalism, localism, lack of education and religious divisions. Nevertheless, I believe that the actual reason for our failure is the Individual Ambition trap in which many diaspora Oromians find themselves.

When Individual Ambition overshadows collaborative effort, it becomes very difficult to promote Collective Ambition. This happens because Individuals who dream to climb the top social ladder do not care why the Organization they joined is created, what it is hoping to accomplish, how they would collaborate with others and achieve the set goal, and how their personal interest aligns with the core values of the organization they belong to. Men with such an attitude undermine Collective Ambition because all they want is to satisfy their personal Ambition.

Although these kind of men talk a lot about the purpose and the mission of the Organization they belong to, the real dream behind their talk is to achieve certain personal benefits. When this happens, the organization that was formed with vision and purpose loses direction and its leaders are divided.

For example, the OLF had a targeted goal and the objective it aspired to achieve within a reasonable time frame. For that very reason, it had strategic and operational priorities and even took the necessary action against the Darg military. When the Darg government collapsed in 1991 and it became apparent that sharing power with the Tigre tribal leaders is the possibility, some OLF leaders joined the TPLF to satisfy their immediate economic needs under the name “Selaamawii ONEG.”

The rest remained loyal to the organization’s original objective until they too gradually fell apart. One group claimed that it wanted to change how the OLF did its business and got a new title “jijirama” and others became Qaama Ce’emsaa. Very interesting was that even the Jijirama, a group that promised to bring change to the OLF split again into several segments with no targeted mission or commitment to the original OLF objective. What made the entire Jijirama episode weird was that the Jijirama that was led by Gen. Galchuu joined the Habasha group and promised to democratize Ethiopia. During that time, men like Bayaan Asooba criticized the general Galchuu Jijirama team saying that joining the Habasha team was a mistake.

As time went by and situations no longer benefited Dr. Bayaan Asoba, he left the OLF, also known as Shanee Gumii, and joined the other half Jijirama team to which the Lencoos, Hasan Husein and others belonged and led a small group known as “Marii Biyya” or something to that effect. Now months past and the ODF came into existence with an agenda to promote general Galchu’s original idea of joining the Habasha group. By then, general Galchu dropped the idea of promoting the democratization of Ethiopia and formed KWO.

But why did Dr. Bayan Asoba joined the OLF when he was a young man, and then surrendered to the Derg government, became secretary of Ethiopia’s communist party, then went to eastern Europe on scholarship, rejoined the OLF again, left the OLF now, rejoined Ethiopia for another round exactly when the TPLF government is decaying from within.

What one can observe from this constant shift individuals such as Dr. Bayaan, Diimaa and the like are making is that what matters to them is not what they have promised the Oromo people, but satisfying their personal ambition. Here, what remains confusing is that these individuals still talk about the Oromo liberation. They talk to their communities, individuals, religious groups, tribes especially when they are rejected by the organization they belonged to. Be they are the Ethiopianists or those who surrendered to the TPLF, they all say that they are committed to the Oromo Liberation cause even when they joined the enemy and let the TPLF kill thousands of OLF soldiers.

So, when we look at these situations, we learn how men jump here and there to satisfy their Individual Ambition.

Lichoo Bukuraa and Kumsa for example talked on the Tigre Television about localism and old thinking that weakened the OLF and yet they were who destroyed the OLF from within.

There are similar groups who talk the same way from within the Oromo community and religious establishments.

Having studied these types of men, the only way it is possible to draw a line between men with Individual Ambition and those who can work for collective goal is by checking whether or not one would compromise on the Core Values of liberating the Oromo nation from the Habasha colonial yoke. Basically, those who can compromise on the core value do not have a guiding principle that dictate what they can or can’t do.

Continues on part 2

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Somalia: 10 Years Ethiopia Invasion – Ethiopia Is the Cause of Our Instability, Somalis Say 10 Years After Invasion

By: Radio Dalsan in Mogadishu

Ethiopian soldiers in Somalia

(kichuu.com) — Majority of Somalia nationals think Ethiopia’s invasion and alleged interference is the cause of instability in the Horn of Africa country.

From interviews conducted by Radio Dalsan in Mogadishu some 80% of residents in the capital believe Ethiopia undermines the sovereignty and security of its neighbor Somalia.

“As long as the Ethiopian army presence continues in my country I will not be optimistic that the conflict facing Somalia will come to an end soon” Ahmed Bille a Mogadishu resident said.

It is ten years now since neighboring Ethiopia sent its troops across the border end of 2006 to help the weak Transitional government rout out the Islamic Courts Union who had controlled the capital Mogadishu for six months. Locals still refer to that battle as Dagaalki Itobian-Ka Moqdisho ku qabsatay” or loosely translated “when Ethiopians Were in Mogadishu War”.

Over a million Somalis were displaced following the invasion and thousands died a memory that many Somalis painfully remember.

Ever Since Ethiopian troops have been either been an independent force or recently as part of Amisom peace keeping force. They have in the past withdrawn and return depending on the political scenario back home and in Somalia.

According to Abdirashid Ahmed a Somali Political Analyst Ethiopia’s boots on the ground are at least 10000 and only 2000 serve under the green Amisom beret.

“That indicates their interest in wanting to control the path that Somalia.

takes both internally regionally and internationally” Ahmned said in an interview with Radio Dalsan.

Ethiopian troop are still present in Galguduud Central Somalia Kismayo Gedo region and Hiraan. The y operate under Amisom in Bay and Bakool regions.

Ethiopia has lately been seen to support President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and with the Presidential election set for January 22 Addis has been seen to be backing a Mohamud come back.

On Saturday Addis hosted a mediation closed door meeting between the Incumbent and Presidential hopeful Sharif Sheikh Hassan Adan. Ethiopia would want to see Adan back down his bid and become Speaker of parliament and back Mohamud.

That would be the fifth time that President Mohamud has been in Addis in a period of one month and if the frequency of his visit is anything to go Ethiopia is pegging its hope on his to Villa Somalia.

President Mohamud recently sealed a deal whereby Ethiopia would replace Burundian troops in Mogadishu. Bujumbura has threatened to withdraw its troops over non payment.

Sagal Bihi an MP and social justice activist did not mince her words regarding the Ethiopia -Somalia relation.

“Now after 10yrs they are intervening with our political system to dominate the country in every aspect” she tweeted.

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Man found stabbed to death in South Gloucestershire was ‘close to getting refugee status’

Mohammed Abdurezek ran the Cardiff Half Marathon.

Sunday 1 January 2017, UK (Gazette) — FRIENDS of 31-year-old Mohammed Abdurezek, who was found stabbed to death in South Gloucestershire, say he was close to getting refugee status when he died.

A second appeal for information has been made by police after the body of the 31-year-old was found in undergrowth in the village of Siston by a dog walker on Christmas Eve.

DCI James Riccio, who is leading the investigation for Avon and Somerset Police, said that they believed Mr Abdurezek was not killed where he was found and that a team of officers were “working tirelessly” on the murder investigation.

He was living in Swansea until three to four weeks ago when he returned to Bristol to search for his daughter from a previous relationships, investigating officers said.

Sean O’Donoghue, of Hay, Brecon and Talgarth Refugee Support Group, said that “Mo” came to Bristol from Ethiopia as a child stowaway around 2002, and became a man “taken to heart” by many in the community.

He said Mr Abdurezek’s solicitor had just revealed that he could have embarked on his full application for refugee status after vital papers had arrived from the Home Office

A talented athlete, he had completed the Cardiff Half Marathon in a time of 1.37, crossing the line with his arms crossed above his head in homage to the symbol of the Oromo people’s quest for justice in Ethiopia.

Mr O’Donoghue said the 31-year-old had fled from the east African country after he witnessed his father being beaten up by security forces, and had been living as an asylum seeker for the past 14 years.

He said: “When I offered my condolences a few months back on the slaughter of up to a 100 of his people at a festival, he shrugged his shoulders and said that this kind of thing happens regularly but doesn’t get reported.

“He wanted to go back home and help in the fight for justice and independence for his people.”

He added that being devastated “understates” the feeling he got when news reached him on Boxing Day that his friend had died.

Talgarth county councillor William Powell said that during a respite day organised by Hay, Brecon and Talgarth City of Sanctuary back in July, Mr Abdurezek ended up playing for the opposing team during a football match because he was so keen to get on the pitch.

“Mo was highly competitive in sport, and on that occasion, ran onto the pitch, so eager was he to join the action,” he said.

“Talgarth Town were happy to incorporate his talent into their side for the remainder of the game.

“Mo’s evident sporting talent, turbulent early life and proud identity with the struggle of his own people meant that he was taken to heart by some people in my community who got to know him during the respite visits that he took part in.

“The news of his violent death has caused genuine shock amongst those who knew him. I very much hope that Avon and Somerset Police will be successful in bringing to justice those responsible for his murder.”

Following new information, police have begun their searches at a property St George’s House in Church Drive, St George, where it is believed that Mr Abdurezek had been living recently, with the searches expected to last for a few days.

DCI Riccio said: “We’re working with residents living in the premises and nearby to ensure any concerns they may have are addressed.

“While the investigation is progressing, we still need more information from the public.”

In their appeal to the public, police have asked for anyone to come forward who might have heard a disturbance or witnessed an assault within the vicinity of St George’s House between Tuesday, December 6 and Sunday, December 11.

They have also asked for anyone who has seen any suspicious or unusual activity in that area, or if they know anything about where Mohammed was working during his time in Bristol to get in touch.

Anyone who could help with police inquiries are asked to call the Major Crime Investigation Team on 101 and give the call handler the reference number 5216284767 or use the inquiry name Operation Neptune.

Three men arrested in connection with alleged murder of Mohammed Abdurezek in South Gloucestershire

Two men remain in custody over murder of Mohammed Abdurezek with third released on bail

January 3, 2017 (Gazette) —TWO men remain in custody for questioning in connection with the alleged murder of Mohammed Abdurezek, who was found stabbed to death in South Gloucestershire.

The body of the 31-year-old Ethiopian refugee was found in Gibbs Lane in Siston on Christmas Eve by a dog walker, with a post mortem confirming he had died from multiple stab wounds.

The men, aged 42 and 22, were two of three arrested on suspicion of murder, with the third man, aged 22, having been released on bail until February 15.

Search teams are continuing work at two properties in the St George area of Bristol, one in St George’s House, Church Drive, and the second in Craftes Court on Brook Road.

A car has also been seized and is undergoing a full forensic examination.

Police are continuing to appeal for information about Mohammed’s death or information about suspicious activity around the properties in St George, between Tuesday 6 December and Sunday 11 December.

Anyone with relevant information which could help inquiries area asked to call the Major Crime Investigation Team on 101 and give the call handler the reference number 5216284767, or use the inquiry name Operation Neptune.

Alternatively, information can be given anonymously to independent charity Crimestoppers by calling 0800 555 111 or visiting www.crimestoppers-uk.org

Police discover body of man stabbed to death in South Gloucestershire village

26 Dec 2016 (gazette) — THE BODY of a man stabbed to death has been discovered in a small village in South Gloucestershire on Christmas Eve.

Police have appealed to the public’s health in tracing the movements of Mohammed Abdurezek in the time before his body was found on Gibbs Lane in the village of Siston at around 10.10am on Saturday.

A post-mortem examination found the 31-year-old died from stab wounds.

DCI James Riccio, from the Avon and Somerset major crime investigation team (MCIT), said: “A full investigation is being carried out into the circumstances of this tragic incident in which a man has lost his life.

“As part of our inquiry we’re releasing a photograph of Mr Abdurezek in the hope that someone may recognise him and recall having seen him during the past few days.

“While we’re at an early stage, we’re confident Mr Abdurezek was based in Bristol and had links to a number of other places across the UK, including Swansea and Newcastle.

“Did you know Mr Abdurezek? Do you know where he lived and who he lived with? If you did know him, when did you last see him?

“If you have any information which could help us, or saw or heard anything suspicious in Siston in the 48 hours before his body was discovered, please call us. Every piece of information is important.”

DCI Riccio added: “House-to-house enquiries have been carried out in the local area while specialist crime scene investigators have examined the location where his body was found.

“We’re aware this will have an impact on the wider community and would encourage anyone with concerns to contact their local neighbourhood team.”

Officers have asked for anyone who recognises Mohammed Abdurezek, and either remembers having seen him in the past few days, or has any information that could assist in their investigation, to call MCIT on 101 using the reference 5216284767.

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